Stigma and Group Inequality

Social Psychological Perspectives

Shana Levin, Colette Van Laar

• Publisher: Psychology Press
• Year: 2006
• Print ISBN:
  9780805844160
• eBook ISBN:
  9781135705268
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: Social Psychology
• Index: Psychology

This book provides a snapshot of the latest theoretical and empirical work on social psychological approaches to stigma and group inequality. It focuses on the perspective of the stigmatized groups and discusses the effects of the stigma on the individual, the interacting partners, the groups to which they belong, and the relations between the groups.

Broken into three major sections, Stigma and Group Inequality:
*discusses the tradeoffs that stigmatized individuals must contend with as they weigh the benefits derived from a particular response to stigma against the costs associated with it;
*explores the ways in which environments can threaten one's intellectual performance, sense of belonging, and self concept; and
*argues that the experience of possessing a stigmatized identity is shaped by social interactions with others in the stigmatized group as well as members of other groups.

Stigma and Group Inequality is a valuable resource for students and scholars in the fields of psychology, sociology, social work, anthropology, communication, public policy, and political science, particularly for courses on stigma, prejudice, and intergroup relations. The book is also accessible to teachers, administrators, community leaders, and concerned citizens who are trying to understand and improve the plight of stigmatized individuals in school, at work, at home, in the community, and in society at large.

CHAPTER
1

The Experience of Stigma: Individual, Interpersonal, and Situational Influences

Colette van Laar
Leiden University

Shana Levin
Claremont McKenna College

Social psychological research on stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination has typically focused on the views and responses of members of dominant groups to members of minority groups. Recent efforts to focus attention on the perspective of stereotyped or stigmatized groups have led to a variety of theoretical and methodological innovations in the study of stigma. The authors in this volume have been on the forefront of these efforts. As a result, we have obtained a much deeper understanding of how stigma affects the stigmatized individual, his or her interaction partners, the stigmatized and nonstigmatized groups to which they belong, and relations between the groups. The volume as a whole examines many different forms of stigma, including stigma based on ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, weight, eating disorders, mental and physical illness, and a history of incarceration. In particular, the volume addresses three main themes of research on stigma: (a) the effects of stigma and the processes that account for these effects; (b) the variables that moderate the effects of stigma on outcomes; and (c) the lessons that can be learned from this work to mitigate the negative effects of stigma at the individual, interpersonal, and structural or institutional levels.

THEMES OF THE VOLUME

Effects of Stigma

The research in this volume shows that stigma has profound effects across a wide range of outcomes, including well-being and self-esteem, self-perception, group identification, motivation, task performance, and social interaction. As the research shows, members of stigmatized groups may be devalued, ignored, and excluded. They may have difficulty establishing an accurate, stable, and clear self-concept, especially with regard to domains that are relevant to stereotypes about their group (Inzlicht & Good, chap. 7, this volume). As a result of interactions with others who are perceived to hold negative stereotypes about their group, members of stigmatized groups may perceive themselves in ways that are consistent with these stereotypes in an effort to socially tune and maintain relationships with them (Sinclair & Huntsinger, chap. 12, this volume). Repeated negative experiences with stigma can lead members of stigmatized groups to anxiously anticipate similar treatment in future situations, straining cognitive resources that would otherwise be devoted to other tasks (Mendoza-Denton, Page-Gould & Pietrzak, chap. 8, this volume). Such experiences with stigmatization also increase general anxiety and cardiovascular reactivity (R. Clark, Anderson, V. R. Clark, & Williams, 1999; Tomaka, Blascovich, Kelsey, & Leitten, 1993). Moreover, members of stigmatized groups are not only affected by their own experiences; the actions of their fellow group members may also reflect negatively on them, causing shame when these behaviors are perceived as confirming the negative stereotype that exists of their group (Schmader & Lickel, chap. 13, this volume).

So what do members of stigmatized groups do in the face of these challenges? Although research on the effects of stigma has shown broad and pervasive effects across a wide range of affective, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes, current work on stigma clearly indicates that there is much variability in responses across individuals, within individuals across time, and across situations. Also, the work clearly indicates that stigmatized individuals do indeed actively cope with the negative effects of stigma. Moving away from an early focus on members of stigmatized groups as passive victims of stigma and its consequences, the research in this volume demonstrates the flexibility and tenacity of members of stigmatized groups in responding to stigma, and the diversity in their responses as a result of their different goals, environments, and individual characteristics. Contrary to earlier perspectives, contemporary views of stigma are focused more centrally on the role of construals and goals in stigma processes. According to these emerging perspectives, any attempt to understand whether and how individuals of stigmatized groups cope with stigma needs to take into consideration both the stigmatized individuals’ understanding of the situation and the goals that they have in that particular situation (Miller, chap. 2, this volume; Swim & Thomas, chap. 6, this volume). Although much of the early research focused on self-enhancement goals as the primary motives for members of devalued groups, more recent research shows that other goals may also be primary, among these the need to understand and control what happens to oneself and the need for a sense of belonging, each of which may sometimes be at odds with self-enhancement goals. Members of stigmatized groups, like people in general, prioritize the goal that they most want to accomplish in a situation and, to the degree that the situation allows them, act in ways to achieve it.

This focus on goal-directed behavior also emphasizes that there is not any one “optimal” coping response to stigma. The work by Kaiser (chap. 3, this volume) and by Shelton, Richeson, Salvatore, and Hill (chap. 4, this volume) provides fine examples of the need to consider the goals that members of stigmatized groups have when considering their optimal coping strategies. Both chapters address one of the key decisions facing members of stigmatized groups: whether to confront the injustice they face or whether to remain silent. They show that the avenue chosen by members of stigmatized groups depends on the intra- and interpersonal costs associated with their responses and the goals that they have in the situation. Kaiser shows that confronting the prejudiced behaviors of others often leads to derogation of the complainant and increased conflict, especially when the person accused of prejudice endorses beliefs that the world is a just place and that anyone can succeed through hard work and individual merit. Thus, when interpersonal and intergroup harmony are the primary goals, confronting prejudice may thwart these goals and may result in reduced well-being. However, as Shelton, Richeson, Salvatore, and Hill show in chapter 4, self-enhancement goals may also be thwarted by not confronting prejudice, particularly when stigmatized individuals are highly committed to confronting prejudice and as a result experience uncomfortable discrepancies between their behavior and their self-views when they do not confront. Moreover, the choices that members of stigmatized groups make have consequences not only for themselves and the immediate interaction but also for their larger social group and their group’s relations with other groups. When members of stigmatized groups do not speak out against their unjust treatment, perpetrators of prejudice may not correct their biases and may continue to believe that the social structure is fair and permeable and feel no need to address group inequality. Failure to confront prejudice may also lead other members of the stigmatized group to underestimate the degree to which their sense of injustice is shared and undermine their sense of efficacy in responding more collectively to their shared injustice.

Variability in the Effects of Stigma

This volume also describes the huge leap forward the field has made in deepening our understanding of the variability in responses to stigma, and in identifying environmental and personal factors that explain these individual differences in responses to stigma. Taken together, the chapters in this volume show that variability in responses to stigma is shaped by the characteristics of the stigma, the characteristics of the person, and the characteristics of the situation.

Characteristics of the Stigma. One characteristic on which stigmas differ is in terms of how globally they involve devaluation of the stigmatized person (e.g., see Quinn, chap. 5, this volume). Although some stigmas are restricted to particular aspects of the person, such as being overweight or homosexual, other stigmas, such as mental illness, involve devaluation of a broad range of the person’s characteristics. Individuals with more narrowly defined stigmas are likely to be able to escape the negative effects of stigma to a much greater extent than those with stigmas relevant to many characteristics. Quinn also shows how the stigma process depends on whether the stigma is concealable or not. Minority ethnicity may be a chronically accessible stigma that is difficult to conceal, but other stigmas, such as a history of eating disorders or mental illness, are easier to conceal. Compared to individuals with a chronically accessible stigma, individuals with a concealable stigma may be less likely to incorporate the stigmatized identity into their larger self-concept. Not incorporating a stigmatized identity into the self-concept may confer a disadvantage as such individuals are less able to make the ingroup comparisons and external attributions for prejudice that help protect the self from the negative effects of devaluation (Crocker & Major, 1989). Interpersonal interactions may also involve more decisions for individuals with concealable stigmas. Individuals with concealable stigmas have to choose when and to whom to reveal their stigma and may suffer from the potential guilt and loss of control associated with their stigma being exposed by others. Monitoring for signs of one’s stigma being exposed and having to decide when and to whom to reveal the stigma can be anxiety provoking and place an extra cognitive burden on individuals with concealable stigmas.

Characteristics of the Stigmatized Individual. The effects of stigma also depend on the individual characteristics of the stigmatized individual. In the stress and coping model presented by Carol Miller (chap. 2, this volume), the coping process begins with appraisals of the threat and availability of coping responses. In this process, characteristics of the stigmatized individual may affect what is perceived as threatening and what resources the individual has and chooses to use in order to cope with the threat. Like Miller, Janet Swim and Margaret Thomas (chap. 6, this volume) argue that the goals of the stigmatized individual play a key role in determining the selection of coping responses and the evaluation of their effects for the individual. Thus one individual may be motivated to have the interaction go as smoothly as possible (see Sinclair & Huntsinger, chap. 12, this volume), whereas others may want to protect the self from negative stereotypes or evaluations (see Kaiser, chap. 3, this volume). Yet others may be concerned about failing to confront perpetrators of prejudice (see Shelton, Richeson, Salvatore, & Hill, chap. 4, this volume).

Prior experiences with stigma also affect the stigma process. Stigmatized individuals not only experience prejudice and discrimination directly, they are exposed to representations of their stigma in the dominant culture as well. Based on these prior experiences with stigma, members of stigmatized groups develop “collective representations,” or shared feelings, beliefs, and expectations about their stigma and its potential effects (Major, chap. 10, this volume). Furthermore, individuals who have had much previous direct or vicarious experience with exclusion, prejudice, and discrimination are likely to perceive and react more strongly to an instance of prejudice than are those who have had few such previous experiences. Some individuals may be chronically more sensitive to instances of prejudice and discrimination. Mendoza-Denton, Page-Gould, and Pietrzak (chap. 8, this volume) show that individuals who are highly sensitive to status-based rejection are more likely to perceive discriminatory treatment and react more strongly and negatively when it occurs. Status-based sensitivity to rejection may also, however, have positive effects for the stigmatized group in that the higher salience of discrimination that results from status-based sensitivity to rejection may spur members of stigmatized groups to engage in collective action on behalf of their group.

Similar to this, group identification may play a part in influencing the effects of stigma (see Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 2002). Compared to low identifiers, individuals who are strongly identified with their stigmatized group may be more likely to perceive events as relevant to their stigma, be more attuned to such events, and react more strongly when they occur. At the same time, because the ingroup can be an important source of both practical and emotional support and provide a framework for understanding and negotiating the social world (see Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999), a strong group identity may also protect stigmatized group members from some of the negative effects of devaluation. As such, other stigmatized group members may provide both assistance in appraising an event as related to stigma and in coping with the event. However, identifying strongly with a group can also make members of stigmatized groups vulnerable to the actions of other ingroup members. In essence, the self is extended such that one may experience not only shame and guilt over one’s own actions, but also over the actions of other ingroup members, especially to the extent that these actions are perceived to confirm existing negative stereotypes of the group (see Schmader & Lickel, chap. 13, this volume).

Characteristics of the Situation. Other chapters in this volume address the importance of situational variables in moderating the negative effects of stigma. Generally, this work notes that environmental cues that influence the salience of the stigmatized identity determine whether stigma affects outcomes in a particular setting. Inzlicht and Good (chap. 7) introduce the term threatening environments to describe settings in which members of stigmatized groups come to suspect that they may be devalued, stigmatized, or discriminated against because of their particular social identity. They note that such threatening environments compel individuals to think about their social identities and the stereotypes associated with these identities. Any environment that signals that the identity is not valued is likely to increase the negative effects of stigma. Heterogeneous settings that include people from many other groups may be particularly likely to form threatening environments for the stigmatized. Being outnumbered increases distinctiveness and self-consciousness, increases the salience of one’s social identity, primes stereotypes, and increases anxiety and arousal among members of stigmatized groups. Tropp (chap. 9, this volume) shows how the repeated experience with threatening environments may make members of stigmatized groups less likely to show positive effects of known prejudice-reducing-strategies. Specifically, concerns about group status and discrimination against one’s group may limit the potential for even positive intergroup contact to enhance positive attitudes toward outgroups among members of stigmatized groups. Interactions with outgroup members may also be damaging through self-stereotyping. The work by Sinclair and Huntsinger (chap. 12, this volume) shows that members of stigmatized groups may socially tune to the attitudes of members of the high-status group. Schmader and Lickel (chap. 13, this volume) suggest, in addition, that not only are members of stigmatized groups anxious about the actions of outgroup members in heterogeneous settings, but the actions of ingroup members may equally be a cause for concern, especially to the degree that these actions are perceived as confirming negative stereotypes of the group. Combining the work by Schmader and Lickel with that of Sinclair and Huntsinger suggests that interactions with ingroup members who hold negative stereotypes about their own group may actually be more harmful than interactions with prejudiced outgroup members. Because members of stigmatized groups may feel more close and safe with ingroup members and be more likely to socially tune with them, this may result in more negative self-stereotyping in interactions with ingroup members who hold negative group stereotypes than with outgroup members who hold negative group stereotypes.

Although the research o...

Table of contents

• COVER PAGE
• TITLE PAGE
• COPYRIGHT PAGE
• PREFACE
• CHAPTER 1: THE EXPERIENCE OF STIGMA: INDIVIDUAL, INTERPERSONAL, AND SITUATIONAL INFLUENCES
• PART I: CONFRONTING, CONCEALING, AND COPING: RESPONSES TO STIGMA
• PART II: STIGMA IN THE SOCIAL CONTEXT: COPING WITH THREATENING ENVIRONMENTS
• PART III: STIGMA AND THE SOCIAL BASIS OF THE SELF
• ABOUT THE AUTHORS