PART I
Introduction
What Is Well-Being?
1
MEDIA USE AND WELL-BEING
Status Quo and Open Questions
Leonard Reinecke and Mary Beth Oliver
New and converging media have become an integral part of our daily lives. The Internet and social media in particular have changed the way we communicate and network with family, friends, and acquaintances. Digital games and interactive entertainment have emerged into mainstream media, attracting an ever-growing audience of young and older users alike. Mobile media have extended the scope of traditional mass media, and make information, entertainment, and computer-mediated interpersonal communication available at any time and at any place.
While the fast-growing influence of media on our lives is hard to overlook, many of the consequences of this ubiquitous media exposure remain an open question. Concerns about the effects of media use on usersâ well-being have been a significant driver of research since the early days of communication research and media psychology: Early research has addressed media use as an escape from the restrictions and frustrations of everyday life (Katz & Foulkes, 1962) or â more recently â as a powerful tool for the regulation of mood and arousal (Zillmann, 1988). Traditionally, however, our discipline has paid more attention to the negative and unintended effects of media use. Most prominently, this preoccupation with negative media effects is represented in the tradition of media violence research, which has produced hundreds of studies and an abundance of empirical findings over recent decades (e.g., Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson et al., 2010). Other potentially detrimental media effects, such as the effects of pornography on sexual aggression or sexual stereotypes (e.g., Peter & Valkenburg, 2011; Zillmann & Bryant, 1982) or the influence of problematic body ideals transmitted in the media (e.g., Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008) are other examples of traditional fields of media effects research that address the âdownsidesâ of media exposure.
Whereas there can be no doubt that a systematic understanding of the risks of media use (and of potential countermeasures) is of crucial societal relevance and a central challenge to our discipline, we believe that a holistic view of media uses and effects must also include the potential benefits of media use. The effects of media use on psychological well-being appear to be of utmost importance in this context: Given the fact that so many people around the globe spend remarkable amounts of their leisure time with media content, what implications does this have for their psychological and physical health? Does media use make us happier, enrich our daily lives, and provide new opportunities for personal growth, or does it reduce or replace sources of well-being in our lives and represent a burden rather than a resource?
Media researchers have only recently started to explore systematically the potential positive effects of media use on psychological well-being. This innovative branch of research has revealed numerous connections between media exposure and well-being that have largely been ignored before. A growing body of studies demonstrates that media entertainment can fulfill crucial intrinsic needs such as the needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Ryan, Rigby, & Przybylski, 2006; Tamborini et al., 2011). Media use provides relief from stress and daily hassles and can facilitate recovery after a long working day (Reinecke, Klatt, & Krämer, 2011). Sad or contemplative media fare can remind us of moral virtues and the purpose of life and lead to experiences of âmeaningful entertainmentâ (Oliver & Bartsch, 2010; Wirth, Hofer, & Schramm, 2012). Social media generate connections and enable their users to maintain and expand their social resources and to gain social support (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Trepte, Dienlin, & Reinecke, 2015).
Despite the growing number of studies that point to the positive potential of media use, the empirical evidence is far from being unanimous. Results suggesting a positive effect of media use on well-being contrast with other lines of research that draw a concisely different picture and demonstrate negative connections between media exposure and well-being in the daily lives of users (e.g., Turkle, 2011). Relief from stress and strain, feelings of appreciation and meaningfulness, and the satisfaction of intrinsic needs may quickly vanish after media exposure, leaving a feeling of guilt and wasted time (Reinecke, Hartmann, & Eden, 2014). Daily âscreen timeâ may displace other activities essential for well-being, such as sports or social activities, and foster loneliness, obesity, and physical complaints (Marshall, Biddle, Gorely, Cameron, & Murdey, 2004; Vandelanotte, Sugiyama, Gardiner, & Owen, 2009). Private information disclosed on Twitter or Facebook may reach unintended audiences and cause conflicts with family, friends, and employers (Vitak, 2012).
Gaining a better understanding of the complex interaction of media use and well-being poses a crucial challenge to communication research and media psychology as well as to our society as a whole. The goal of the Handbook of Media Use and Well-Being is to compose the first international review of the status quo of this fast-developing field of research. The book provides a multifaceted perspective on the beneficial as well as the detrimental effects of media exposure on psychological health and well-being. This short introductory chapter is intended to provide an overview of the scope of the volume and the topics and processes addressed in the different chapters. After a short discussion of the theoretical construct of psychological well-being, we will introduce the main sections of the volume. The chapter ends with a summary of the status quo of research on media use and well-being and the discussion of future challenges for the field.
Well-Being: Two Schools of Thought
The processes that drive happiness and satisfaction with life have received considerable attention in the field of psychology over the last four decades. Since the advent of âpositive psychologyâ that has resulted in a shift from the traditional focus of clinical psychology on pathology to a stronger emphasis on positive experiences and the potentials of the individual (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000), the concept of well-being has played a prominent role in psychological research. The current research is dominated by two central theoretical concepts or âschoolsâ of well-being (Huta & Waterman, 2014; Ryan & Deci, 2001): hedonic and eudaimonic approaches to well-being.
The hedonic well-being concept is largely influenced by the works of Ed Diener and his colleagues (e.g., Diener, 2000; Diener & Ryan, 2009) and defines well-being â which is usually referred to as âsubjective well-beingâ in this research tradition (e.g., Diener, 1984, p. 542) â in terms of hedonic happiness and a favorable evaluation of life circumstances. Accordingly, Diener (1984; Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999) identifies three main components of subjective well-being: the presence of positive affect, the absence of negative affect, and a positive cognitive judgment of living conditions (satisfaction with life). The hedonic research tradition has produced numerous studies over the last three decades and has identified various predictors of subjective well-being, among them relationship and occupational status, income, and education, as well as the political and socio-economic situation in the country of residence of the individual (Diener & Ryan, 2009)
Whereas well-being is primarily defined in terms of pleasurable experiences in the hedonic research tradition, scholars in the field of eudaimonic well-being research have proposed a broader theoretical explication of well-being. According to the eudaimonic perspective, well-being â usually referred to as âpsychological well-beingâ (e.g., Ryff & Keyes, 1995, p. 719) â extends well beyond mere hedonic happiness and includes more complex components of well-being such as psychological growth and the realization of human potential (Huta & Waterman, 2014). The eudaimonic perspective thus crucially extends the well-being concept and introduces new components and drivers of well-being. One particularly prominent theoretical approach within the field of eudaimonic well-being research is Self-Determination Theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000), which proposes that the satisfaction of the intrinsic need for competence, autonomy, and relatedness are crucial determinants of psychological well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Other eudaimonic approaches have introduced additional facets of psychological well-being such as self-realization, authenticity, moral virtues, or purpose in life (Huta & Waterman, 2014; Ryff & Keyes, 1995).
Explicating the theoretical concept of well-being in its full complexity goes far beyond the scope of this chapter. However, the two remaining chapters in this introductory section of the handbook provide a comprehensive review of the hedonic and eudaimonic well-being concept and a first exploration of the potential relationships between media use and well-being. Chapter 2, by Veronika Huta, provides an excellent introduction to well-being research as well as a valuable overview of the many facets of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, and presents an inspiring point of departure for future research on media use and well-being. Chapter 3, by Scott Rigby and Richard Ryan, focuses on Self-Determination Theory and the satisfaction of intrinsic needs. The concepts of intrinsic motivation and self-determination have strongly influenced research on the appeal and effects of entertaining media in general and of interactive media in particular (Reinecke, Vorderer, & Knop, 2014; Ryan et al., 2006). Rigby and Ryan introduce the basic assumptions of Self-Determination Theory and systematically analyze the potential of media use as a source of self-determination. In combination, both chapters provide a thorough introduction to well-being research and illuminate the complexity of research on media use and well-being. The multidimensionality of the well-being concept and the heterogeneity of theory and research in this context make the exploration of the reciprocal relationship between well-being and media use a challenging yet highly promising endeavor for researchers in media psychology and communication research.
Processes: Psychological Mechanisms Connecting Media Use and Well-Being
Building upon the well-being concepts introduced in the first section of the handbook, the chapters in the second section of the volume address a number of concepts that provide a theoretical bridge between media use and well-being. It is neither by chance nor due to the editorsâ personal research interests or their idiosyncratic perspective on our discipline that many of the chapters in this section focus on concepts and variables that have traditionally been the focus of entertainment research. Rather, the theoretical developments in well-being research outlined above have critically influenced the research in media entertainment in the last few years: Traditional theoretical conceptualizations of media entertainment as a pleasurable affective state elicited by media use (Bosshart & Macconi, 1998; Vorderer, Klimmt, & Ritterfeld, 2004) strongly correspond with the concept of hedonic well-being. More recently, however, entertainment research has seen a paradigmatic shift and the introduction of two-factor models of entertainment that complement the notion of hedonic enjoyment with more complex forms of entertainment experience and appreciation (Vorderer & Reinecke, 2015). These more comprehensive definitions of media entertainment integrate factors, such as feelings of meaningfulness and reflections upon the purpose of life (Oliver & Bartsch, 2010; Oliver & Raney, 2011), that provide a theoretical connection between the reception process and different facets of eudaimonic well-being. Owing to its strong theoretical correspondence with the well-being concept, the field of entertainment research can thus be considered a crucial point of origin of research on the interplay between media use and well-being.
The chapters in the Processes section of this volume discuss a broad spectrum of concepts that link media use to both hedonic and eudaimonic forms of well-being, and thus well represent the current developments in research on media entertainment and the reception process. Chapter 4, by Robin Nabi and Abby Prestin, lays the theoretical ground for a number of subsequent chapters by addressing the role of emotion as a basic theoretical link between media exposure and well-being. Their theoretical discussion suggests that the positive emotions elicited by media content can be a powerful source of hedonic well-being. This view is extended in Chapter 5, by Melissa Robinson and Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick, who discuss selective exposure to media content as a pathway to increased hedonic well-being through the optimization of mood and arousal. A connection between the entertainment experience and eudaimonic well-being is established in Chapter 6, by Anne Bartsch and Mary Beth Oliver. This chapter addresses the appreciation of sad and poignant media content as a source of feelings of meaningfulness and a trigger of cognitive reflection on moral virtues and the purpose of life. This notion of media content as a source of meaningfulness is picked up in Chapter 7, by Diana Rieger, who discusses media exposure as a form of coping with the fear of death. Chapter 8, by Leonard Reinecke and Allison Eden, discusses processes of recreation and self-regulation via media exposure and introduces the theoretical concept of recovery experience as an integrative approach that combines hedonic (distraction from stress, relaxation) as well as eudaimonic (building up new resources through mastery and control experiences) facets of well-being.
While the first five chapters in this section take a holistic view and connect media use and well-being through broader concepts such as emotions, homeostasis, self-regulation, or coping, the remaining chapters in this part of the volume focus on more specific variables within the reception process that act as mediators between media content and well-being. One crucial aspect in this context is the relationship and interaction between media users and media characters. Chapter 9, by Mike Slater and Jonathan Cohen, discusses identification with protagonists in narrative worlds and the resulting extension of the boundaries of the self as a potential source of psychological growth and well-being. In Chapter 10, Tilo Hartmann addresses parasocial inter...