Hope is a concept not usually associated with academic criminology. A long tradition of âmiserablismâ (Brown 2013, p. 27) within the field has tended to block and undermine attempts to imagine ways forward. Ian Loader and Richard Sparks have captured this sensibility in blunt terms:
[M]uch criminological thinking is either rather glum and fatalistic, or else excitedly apocalyptic, in content and tone. Neither of those registers are the most helpful or incisive ones with which to think about the future.
(Loader and Sparks forthcoming 2017)
These registers, presumably, also influence how and whether criminology thinks about its past. The publication, therefore, of a Handbook of criminology and â and here is the novelty â human rights is a moment of some significance. It raises questions that we want to explore in this chapter: in particular, what does its emergence say about academic criminology,1 both historically and looking to the future?
Should we, for instance, expect the handbook âin content and toneâ to reflect the very different criminological histories of engagement with â and, more frequently, avoidance and repudiation of â human rights? Are some (most?) perspectives likely to be contemporary in orientation, evidencing a recognition of the quotidian relevance of rights and encompassing, in some cases, enthusiasm about the potential of rights discourses in criminological contexts? Also, what sources are being drawn upon to make such assessments? In short, where is academic criminology choosing to get its human rights knowledges from, what rights knowledges is it producing itself, and to what ends are these knowledges being put?
At one time, normative approaches from law and philosophy dominated understandings of human rights: today, by contrast, a wide range of disciplinary sources and methods on rights are available for evaluation, appropriation and adaptation (Murphy and Whitty 2013, p. 580). But if it is true that the criminological field is defined by a still-reluctant relationship with its legal counterpart (Zedner 2011, p. 277), how convincing are its engagements with human rights going to be? Isnât it the case that a significant part of the story â the realities of human rights law, institutions and actors â will be left unexplored? And, if the legal field is recognized as relevant but then treated as a lumpen mass, such that the interplay between bodies of law (between, for example, international, national and local norms) is ignored, is the ability to gauge the proper place of the legal field not inevitably weakened?
Unless, of course, what is most attractive to some criminologists about rights discourses is their potential usefulness in enhancing an evidence base (âviolationsâ) and condemnatory language (âvictimsâ), or their potential role in reinforcing theoretical and ideological positions â that is, to generate new (or boost old) forms of criminological awareness. Alternatively, is criminology across its varied terrain increasingly aligning itself with human rights advocacy (and deploying legal resources?), or is it systematically turning to human rights as an object of enquiry â all with implications for its understandings of scholar, activist and policy advisor? In other words, how much of a Handbook of criminology and human rights is a journey down familiar criminological pathways? And how much is a departure in focus, methodology and tone, or even an explicit breaking with (or, perhaps, a reconnecting with) aspects of criminologyâs past (Radzinowicz 1961)? Most interestingly of all, what is distinctive about criminology doing human rights?
Present-day patterns
In addressing these questions, we start with a brief outline of what we consider to be the four principal, contemporary criminological engagements with human rights. The first of these, which we shall call legal reformist, builds upon a longstanding regard for notions of rights within criminal law and criminal justice (Morris 1958, Ashworth 1988). Today it continues across a range of contributions to criminal justice bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), university teaching, political campaigning and scholarship (Morgan and Evans 2001, Finnane 2008, Zedner 2003, 2009). In recent years, the institutionalization and internationalization of human rights law has significantly affected the manner in which a range of criminal justice policies are critiqued (Brown and Wilkie 2002, Muncie 2008, van Zyl Smit and Snacken 2009). A further catalyst has been the extension, and the abuse, of state power in the aftermath of 9/11. Common cause between criminologists and lawyers is now much more apparent, with shared agendas of activism, litigation and scholarship â all motivated by the liberalizing potential of human rights (Brysk and Shafir 2007, Goold and Lazarus 2007).
The second present-day engagement flows from work on state crimes and encompasses two, very distinct, strands. The first draws on a tradition of historic distrust of state power and the alleged hegemonic nature of rights regimes. Paradoxically, however, it uses human rights reports by NGOs such as Human Rights Watch in order to better evidence the harms caused by both state and corporate power. While various theoretical positions are reflected within state crimes scholarship, a common feature is the reduction of human rights to the issue of violations (Stanley 2007, Green and Ward 2009, Scraton and McCulloch 2009, Welch 2009). Another feature is the belief in the power of exposure of rights violations: cultural criminology, for instance, by its focus on atrocity images, is said to put âthe âvisual human into the concept of human rights, helping to produce a moral obligation to actâ (Morrison 2010, p. 193).
The second state-crimes strand, âgenocide criminologyâ, is very different in focus and method. Its explicit aim is that the field of criminology should be extended to âstudies of international justice ⌠war and international conflictâ (Levi and Hagan 2011, pp. 36â7), notably for the purposes of providing genocide or war crimes statistics in criminal prosecutions. Criminology here is being closely allied with international criminal law and associated exercises of state power (which may include satellite surveillance and intervention to arrest suspects) â and a sense of urgency is pervasive: âThere is no time to loseâ (Savelsber...