Contents
Sibling study in summary: Is thematic plurality a boon or a burden?
Setting the theoretical stage
Individual and dyadic psychological processes and siblings
Psychoanalytic and evolutionary psychology
Attachment relations
Individual psychology theories of development
Theories on social processes
Social learning and socialization in the sibling relationship
Anthropological takes, sociological turns
Systems theories
Ecological family approaches
Family system theory
Feminist revisions and transactional family systems theory
Spectrum of sibling study
References
Sibling study in summary: Is thematic plurality a boon or a burden?
We start out our brief, but wide-ranging theoretical review by considering a variety of different perspectives. We will explore psychoanalytic, social learning, and social psychological approaches, and social constructionist, ecological and systems science, feminist sociological paradigms, and evolutionary and (genetic) biological perspectives. Each framework will be positioned historically and accompanied by contextualized examples of typical empirical research vis-Ă -vis the sibling bond. We will then attempt, in turn, to synthesize and evaluate their respective research programmes. In so doing, we lay the base for a more considered research and practice-driven approach that will be addressed in the bookâs remainder.
In performing an initial attempt to gather the seemingly disjointed strands of sibling-related work, both theoretical and applied, one is struck by the plurality of the field. Academics have entertained multiple research foci, ranging from the instinct-driven psychoanalytic writings of Freud and Klein, with their classical leanings toward deep-seated sibling rivalry, anxiety, and conflict, to less-studied social constructivist and feminist family sociological takes on the dynamic intersubjectivities involved in development that often embrace positive and community psychology precepts (e.g. McHale, Crouter, & Whiteman, 2003; RodrĂguez & Moro, 2008). Cultural studies go on to suggest that what it means to be brother or sister varies vastly from one group to the next. This multiplicity across theoretical time and space is understandable, given the complexities in tracing human development â a most âultra-socialâ of species â and our consequent ever-evolving conceptualizations (Zlatev, 2008).
As we bid to unite these fragmented, yet thematically interrelated, sub-disciplines, we necessarily limit our central concentration to the sibling relationship over adolescence, particularly due to the twofold reasons of the importance of adolescence in development and the shortfall of accompanying sibling research. This is, of course, not to say that valuable scholarship and inroads have not been produced in this vein: McHale, Crouter, and Family Relationships Project colleagues at Penn State; Conger and researchers at UC Davisâ Human Development and Family Studies consort; and Pike and associates at the University of Sussex are but a few examples of academics doing serious work on brothers and sisters across the lifespan. Nevertheless, as McHale, Updegraff, and Whiteman (2012) show, the relative shortage of focus placed on siblings is glaring both in and among family and developmental studies. For further readings on childhood-specific, young adulthoodâspecific, and adult-specific sibling inquiry, we refer the reader to the infancy (e.g. Volling, 1997, 2001; Volling & Belsky, 1992), young adulthood (e.g. Conger & Little, 2010; Milevsky, 2004, 2005; Milevsky & Heerwagen, 2013), and life course work by the likes of Elder (1996), White (2001), and Cicirelli (1992, 1995).
Setting the theoretical stage
Since Freudâs post-Victorian psychoanalytic cogitations, psychological theorizing and research efforts have privileged sibling and familial effects in the conceptualization of development. Corresponding individual-level differences born largely of intrapsychic and familial processes that influence personality and temperament factors assumed leading importance (Pike & Kretschmer, 2009). From the intrapersonal level, social psychology and sociology imparted insight into dyadic and group-level processes, and family systems and feminist perspectives such as feminist family sociology likewise drew attention to individuals embedded in dynamic socio-environmental contexts and their divergent experiences (Ferree, 1990; McHale et al., 2003). Other socio-cultural approaches taken up by developmentalists â Greenfieldâs (2009) theory of human development and socio-cultural change, for instance â contributed to our understanding of the extensive forces prevalent in maturation, drawing much needed attention to the interface between individuals, their interrelationships, and how they form and are formed by the environments they live in.
Dynamic interdisciplinary developmental work started relatively late, yet the multipartite theoretical movement (e.g. developmental systems perspectives (Scheithauer, Niebank, & Ittel, 2009)) has recently ignited interest for those concerned with a more holistic research programme, and continues to hold promise, cropping up in the latest research pursuits and publications (Ittel & Kretschmer, 2007). However, an overwhelming minority of publications takes an interdisciplinary approach to the developmental study of siblings in adolescence (McHale et al., 2012). Researchers must contend with theoretical and logistical complexity, and are in want of a methodological beacon.
While no one line of inquiry, inter- and trans-disciplinary methodologies included, can account for the rich intricacies of a living beingâs development, new conceptualizations like developmental systems perspectives stimulate the research landscape. This grouping seeks to overcome gaps and blind spots by complementing various research approaches. For example, Edwards and colleagues quest to offer a portrait of the meaning of siblings from the perspective of young people themselves modelled this timely tactic through their augmentation of combined psychoanalytic (inner psyche/psychological) and social constructivist (intrapersonal) tenets (Edwards, Hadfield, Lucey, & Mauthner, 2006). We assert that such considered perspectives provide a bountiful breeding ground for best-practice exploration. This is, however, tricky to achieve, as no one âsibling theoryâ or model currently exists, and even causal explanations within the family are scarce (Caspi, 2011).
Individual and dyadic psychological processes and siblings
Psychoanalytic and evolutionary psychology
We start with an abridged depiction of Bowlbyâs theory of attachment and Adlerâs theory of individual psychology, two focal theories of the psychoanalytic tradition that can help elucidate the intrapsychic processes involved in sibling relationships (Whiteman, McHale, & Soli, 2011). These notions of social relations draw extensively on postâWorld War I theories of human nature and development, of which Freudâs theory of human desire and consciousness was the most influential (Fromm, 1956). Biological laws from Tinbergenâs (1951) ethological theory to classic Darwinism (Darwin, 1859) directly understood (human) development in terms of survival of the fittest; species-typical instinctual social patterns of behaviour were seen to bestow certain adaptive survival mechanisms. The principle of divergence, for instance, maintains that sibling diversification processes operate through ordinal rank and so direct childrenâs opportunities to engage in particular activities (Sulloway, 2007, 2010). Following the spike in interest of socio-biological accounts of human evolution and sociality, the sibling relationship has been once more positioned as a worthy point of focus for developmentalists (Whiteman et al., 2011).
Importantly, psychodynamic theory, in its seeking to understand the root functions of close intimate relationships, draws attention to the function of familial relationships over and above exhibited behaviours. It seeks to understand the root functions of close intimate relationships. According to Freud (1953â1974), the dynamic unconscious and the Oedipal complex are central in the development of individual personality; parentâchild interactions set the stage for all subsequent psychological developments. Kleinian and object relations theorists equally house the locus of emotional growth and health in the parentâchild relationship (Klein, 1952). This notion relegates siblings to a secondary role in individual maturation. Here, dysfunctional, inadequate parenting is seen to motivate a survival response behind significant sibling attachment and meaning (Coles, 2003; Mitchell, 2003).
Otherwise, lending from unconscious drives and impulses, siblings from the Freudian perspective are mostly objects of suspicion and figures of rivalrous desires. The firstborn is accorded blanket importance such that status effects and individual siblingâs perspectives are largely neglected (Coles, 2003). Primogeniture, the granting of status or material claims to the familyâs firstborn (male) by right, by law or by practice further exemplifies this status hierarchy and often widespread means of succession. Here, one can conjecture that the influence of psychodynamic and historical assumptions which pervades early works on social relationships focused research on problems rather than solutions.
Attachment relations
Individual differences also occupy a critical role with respect to social bonds in attachment theory. Bowlby (1969/1982) and other attachment theorists (e.g. Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Baumrind, 1967; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Shaver & Mikulincer, 2002) have endeavoured to explain developmental maturation, although whereas Bowlby held attachment to be an all-or-nothing motherâchild process, subsequent views embrace variation evident in recent attachment research. Attachment figures, or primary caregivers, are crucial for the young infantâs survival from the first moments of life and provide different degrees of security based on their own sensitivity and responsiveness. The infant attempts to influence parental warmth and responsiveness through the use of proximity-seeking behaviours like crying. All other social relationships are seen to stem from relational blueprints laid down by the attachment figureâinfant bond. Individual expectancies, understandings, emotions, and behaviours are fundamentally shaped in a series of intimate dyadic interactions between parent and offspring. It follows that the caregiverâchild bond holds long-lasting implications for social relationships, with secure attachment affording close and trusting intimate relations with others such as sisters and brothers. Conversely, insecure attachment relations are believed to result in relationships less satisfying at best, and dysfunctional and damaging at worst.
So where does this leave siblings? In consideration of the parentâchild union and its assumed greater repercussions, healthy parental attachment relationships bolster and scaffold adaptive and secure attachment to others, particularly siblings. Moreover, brothers and sisters can serve as attachment objects themselves, acting as important sources of security and support from which their siblings can venture into the environment (e.g. Samuels, 1980). Furthermore, older siblings can actively encourage exploration (Samuels, 1980) or provide comfort during times of distress in the face of a primary caregiverâs absence (Stewart, 1983; Teti & Ablard, 1989).
Those individuals who have a sibling as primary attachment figure are seen as seeking an attachment object in response to a dysfunctional, negligent parent, who should, in keeping with psychodynamic and Bowlby-based theory, be the mother. Current empirical work, albeit not of a decided psychodynamic thrust, runs contrary to this proposition and reveals that siblings can indeed form important attachment bonds with one another and offer vital emotional support (e.g. Jenkins, 1992; Kim, McHale, Wayne Osgood, & Crouter, 2006; Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008). Compatible evidence tells of increased affinity for support on the part of older siblings, especially in mixed-dyads (e.g. Oliva & Arranz, 2005; Ryherd, 2011; Stewart, 1983), which implicates both the potential for rivalry and conflict in same-gender dyads (Whiteman et al., 2011) and the gendered role prescriptions of care and intimacy (e.g. Cole & Kerns, 2001). However, this strand of inquiry awaits further elaboration as other studies tell a perpendicular story of an absence of mixed-dyad effects or more positive close relations between sisters (e.g. Brody, Stoneman, & McCoy, 1994; Feinberg, McHale, Crouter, & Cumsille, 2003; Furman & Buhrmester, 1992).
Again, the drought of literature on adolescent-specific sibling attachment relations makes for difficult depiction. In a sample drawn from the Netherlands, adolescents at approximately age 12 displayed a significant increase in attachment bonds to their sibling, partly attributed to new, shared environments, and experiences as the younger joined the older sibling in high school (Buist, Dekovic´, Meeus, & van Aken, 2002). During the transitional period from childhood to adolescence and adolescence to young adulthood, attachment relationships with siblings may become progressively voluntary and peer-like. Constructs like empathy and shared experiences may underpin sibling attachment relationship development, partially due to its characte...