A Citizen's Guide to U.S. Elections

Empowering Democracy in America

Costas Panagopoulos, Aaron Weinschenk

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2015
• Print ISBN: 9781138858794
• eBook ISBN: 9781317510819
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Political Campaigns & Elections
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Political observers routinely lament that American democracy is broken, and many of them blame electoral malfunction. But is the system really broken? Panagopoulos and Weinschenk make the case that citizens are empowered to fix what's wrong with electoral politics and renew democracy in America, all within the institutional setup and framework of the existing system. Put simply, much of what is broken can be fixed if people stop throwing up their arms and start rolling up their sleeves to do the hard work of building our democracy. This book provides an overview of the basic features that characterize contemporary elections in the United States and includes discussions about voter participation and decision-making patterns, money in elections, and the role of parties and the media in presidential, congressional and state and local races. It also outlines some of the most important trends and challenges in the current system. As a call to action, each chapter features potential solutions to the challenges that exist in U.S. elections.

1

INTRODUCTION

Politics is about power. In a democracy, elections are the mechanism by which power is retained by the people. In representative democracies, elections ensure that power is transferred into the hands of the people or parties that citizens believe will represent their interests in government. When elections malfunction, the very essence of democracy is threatened.

Many political observers routinely lament that American democracy is broken. It appears that most Americans agree: A CNN/Opinion Research Corporation poll conducted in 2010 asked a representative sample of citizens whether they thought “our system of government is broken,” and a whopping 86% of respondents said that it was.¹ In a 2011 poll conducted by The Washington Post, 78% of people said that they were dissatisfied with “the way this country’s political system is working.”² Although these polls did not ask people why they felt this way, it seems quite reasonable to think that, for many people, a great part of the blame for the broken system falls on the way elections are conducted in the United States. Indeed, most Americans can probably rattle off a list of the things they don’t like about elections with a great deal of ease—campaigns are too negative, candidates and parties are too polarized and combative, candidates seem disconnected from ordinary citizens, incumbents continually win reelection when fresh faces and new ideas are needed in government, wealthy campaign donors and special interest groups have an excessive amount of influence over candidates and elected officials, candidates waste too much money on campaigning, the two major political parties unnecessarily limit the choices people have during elections, it’s hard to know where to get good political information, and the list goes on and on. It seems unlikely that these problems will go away after the elections end and politicians transition from campaigning to governing.

In light of these complaints, various institutional reforms have been proposed to “fix the broken system.” In this book, we ask a simple question: Is the system really broken? Our answer to this question is one that is likely to evoke some controversy: Not really. Not really? But you just listed a host of problems with our current system! Our answer is based on this argument: Although there may be many pressing issues and dissatisfaction with the electoral process, our system isn’t really broken because it is currently within Americans’ power to fix what’s wrong with electoral politics (and politics in general) all within the institutional setup and framework of the existing system. In other words, it may not be so much the system that’s failing as it is a failure on the part of American citizens to take action to address the important concerns in our democracy—to consistently and meaningfully participate in the political process. We need to start taking full advantage of the tools that our system of government offers to produce the outcomes we desire. The beauty of a democracy is that citizens have the ability to govern themselves—to select and remove their representatives, to come together to solve collective problems, to voice their ideas and opinions—and yet, in the United States, citizens routinely bypass opportunities to participate in elections and politics. Many people complain about the political candidates who run in American elections or the lack of good ideas that politicians have, but how many people have worked for a candidate they supported or, better yet, run for elective office? Many people think that Congress is doing an abysmal job these days, but how many people have contacted their elected officials to voice their opinions? The answer to both of these questions, as you might suspect, is very few. Very few people take action on the problems or issues that they think are important. Although it’s easy to blame the system for the problems mentioned above, we believe that American citizens share in the responsibility. Ordinary Americans don’t participate much in elections and public affairs (levels of political engagement are especially low when elections are not occurring) nor do they invest in acquiring information about candidates, issues, and policies. When citizens aren’t active players in the political process—when they aren’t there to monitor what’s going on, to hold elected officials accountable, and to express their preferences—it’s not surprising that many of the problems we experience continue unabated or even worsen over time.

Although we agree that there are many important issues and concerns in the United States, we argue that most of what is “broken” can be fixed if people stop throwing up their arms and start rolling up their sleeves to start the hard work of renewing our democracy. Just to be clear, our argument is not that citizens are likely to rush to solve every problem that they see or to address every complaint that they have. Our argument is that they could if they were willing to put in the effort. To be fair, we certainly acknowledge that citizens are not completely to blame for all of the problems that exist (there is rarely one single cause behind any given problem), but the lack of civic participation is part of the reason why politics has become so dysfunctional. It is interesting to note that in The Washington Post poll mentioned above, 77% of Americans agreed with the statement “Whatever its faults, the United States still has the best system of government in the world.” And in the CNN poll mentioned above, 81% of Americans said that our system “can be fixed.” The question is How do ordinary citizens begin to address the challenges that exist, some of which seem insurmountable? We certainly don’t have all the answers, but we’re convinced that Americans can be a big part of the solutions to many of the nation’s political ills.

Before we describe how this book will unfold, we think it’s important to take a moment to address some of the recent descriptions of American politics that have gained traction. Many political observers (and ordinary citizens) seem to believe that Americans are fairly powerless or helpless (or both) when it comes to politics. Indeed, many arguments have pointed out that politics and political issues are too complicated to understand or to participate in, that our government is so fragmented it’s hard to know who’s responsible for what, that congressional districts have been gerrymandered to increase polarization and reduce competition by ensuring that certain parties and candidates win, and that interest groups spend excessive amounts of money during elections and control political outcomes. These conditions mean that ordinary folks don’t have much of a role to play in politics and that most things are beyond their control. We concur that many of these issues are distressing in the United States, but we disagree with the notion that citizens are powerless in our democracy. Quite the opposite, we believe that citizens can (and will have to) play a central role in resolving the things they think are so bad about American elections and politics. And, although citizens regularly complain about many of the features of our electoral system, we hope that in reading this book people will realize that they actually already have the tools at their disposal to fix the things they dislike. In short, citizens can operate successfully within the current system. A centerpiece of the existing political system is that it enables reform of institutions, processes, or behaviors—or all of the above if necessary. For example, if citizens are concerned about making sure that elected officials do a good job representing constituents, citizens can do more to increase monitoring (e.g., participate in elections, gather information about what elected officials are doing, contact elected officials, etc.). We do not necessarily need a new system; we can do plenty within our framework to improve the electoral process.

We want to make it clear that our argument does not imply that solving the problems we face will be easy. Many of the problems that Americans perceive regarding the practice of elections will take serious and sustained attention and action. Americans must recognize that democracy is not easy. If ordinary citizens are unhappy with what’s going on and want something to change, they are obligated to take action. They carry much of the burden for creating political change. Think there’s too much money in politics? Do something about it. Don’t like the candidates who run for political office? Do something about it. Want elected officials to pursue a particular policy or address a particular issue? Do something about it. It’s easy to complain about things, but complaints must be accompanied by action. Many people seem to have adopted the perspective that things are “too hard” or “impossible” to change. This perspective undercuts the essence of what it means to have a democracy. A democracy, unlike many other systems of government, enables ordinary people to govern and to make political changes. Although our political system may have features that make change difficult, it is certainly possible. One of the exceptional things about our political system is that the Founders were wise enough to know that while they didn’t create a perfect system, it is a perfectible system. Constant vigilance, work, and reform are crucial to that enterprise. If citizens are unwilling to take action on issues they dislike, they may have to learn to live with the things about which they so often complain.

We believe that it is important to keep in mind that when public opinion is strong and clear, citizens have decisive influence, as political scientist Paul Burstein has noted.³ In short, intensity is the currency of American politics. Although citizens can probably not have much influence on things like the fractured nature of American politics (e.g., the system of federalism that divides government into different layers), they can influence things like the degree of intensity and participation in politics. We think this is where election reform should focus. A number of questions follow from this idea. For example, how do we increase citizen interest and participation? How do we increase the proportion of issues on which citizens respond with intensity? Throughout this book, we offer some ideas to help address these questions.

This is a book about electoral politics in the United States. It is also a book about political representation. Many of the concerns people have about elections in the United States seem to revolve around whether they achieve representation in the way that was intended. We believe that elections are not only about political accountability—that is, holding elected officials responsible for what they achieve (or not) when in office—but they are also very much about political representation. Political scientist Robert Dahl⁴ has noted that “a key characteristic of a democracy is the continued responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens, considered as political equals.” If elections are the means by which we select government leaders, then understanding elections is central to understanding responsiveness. Much of the discussion in this book focuses on the extent to which the conduct of elections in the United States and the behavior of citizens and elected officials thwart or enhance representation.

Indeed, many of the problems with U.S. elections that we have mentioned connect directly to the issue of political representation. If interest groups are playing too large a role in elections, does that mean that some people or groups are not being represented in government? If the parties from which we are electing candidate are too polarized, what does that mean for the policies we are getting out of government or for the ability of government to address policy problems that the general public believes need attention? If only certain groups of people participate in local elections, what does this imply about those whom elected officials will listen to once in office?

When thinking about representation, it is interesting to consider how much our political system was really intended to be representative. Interestingly, many of the features of our political and electoral system were actually intentionally built in by the Framers to avoid mass representation. It often shocks people to learn that up until the ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913, U.S. senators were actually elected by state legislatures and not by popular vote. The Electoral College, the institution that elects the president, was implemented because the Framers did not believe that ordinary citizens were educated enough to make such an important choice. Over time, the United States has evolved toward more and more representation, to the point that it is now most often assumed to be the clear goal. If we accept the idea that political representation is important—that elected officials should be responsive to the citizenry that elected them—then the fact that many people believe that U.S. elections are failing or are broken means that, to at least some extent, representation is being hindered (or that it is being subverted by money, special interest groups, etc.). In short, dissecting American elections can tell us a lot about the kind of representation we are getting (or are likely to get in the future). It may also be able to tell us about how we can do better.

This book departs from previous texts on elections in a number of important ways. First, this book is designed to provide a nontechnical introduction to some of the most important issues related to American elections. To that end, the chapters are written with a general audience in mind. We explain some of the basic features that characterize elections in the United States and outline some of the most important problems and challenges that exist within the current system. When appropriate, we clarify myths that people have about elections in the United States. Although many people have negative perceptions about the American electoral system, we adopt a more optimistic outlook in general. We cannot possibly cover every single aspect of U.S. elections, but we have tried to include major topics and issues.

Second, this book offers some ideas about potential solutions to the problems and challenges that are often associated with U.S. elections. Since our argument centers on the idea that Americans must play a role in fixing the things they do not like in our system (and that they can change things within the system we have), we believe that it is important to provide a set of ideas that may serve as a starting point for action. It’s not possible to list every potential solution. That is not our goal. Instead, we hope that this book helps to start a dialogue about what can be done to improve American democracy and encourages people to reconsider their role in the political system.

This book features eight substantive chapters that cover what we see as some of the most important topics and questions when it comes to American elections. We begin in Chapter 2 with a discussion of voter turnout and political participation. Next we proceed to money, campaign finance, and the role of special interests in elections. The next three chapters present details about presidential, congressional, and state and local elections, respectively. Chapters 7 and 8 focus on two key institutional players in electoral politics (political parties and the media), and Chapter 9 focuses on vote choice. In the final chapter, we provide some parting thoughts on the future of American democracy. We begin with political participation because of the central role engagement plays in our electoral and political process. Let’s get to it.

Notes

^1. http://i2.cdn.turner.com/cnn/2010/images/02/19/rel4f.pdf.

^2. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/polls/postpoll_080911.html.

^3. Burstein, Paul. 2003. “The Impact of Public Opinion on Public Policy: A Review and an Agenda.” Political Research Quarterly 56: 29–40.

^4. Dahl, Robert A. 1971. Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

2

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

On November 12, 2013, voters in Crutcho, Oklahoma, went to the polls to vote on a school bond proposal. The election asked voters to cast a ballot either for or against a $980,000 bond to improve the local public schools. The proposition was approved by a margin of five votes. Amazingly, only five votes were cast in the election. Of the 927 registered voters in Crutcho, just five people showed up to vote! If you do the math, you find that voter turnout in this particular election was a meager 0.5%. That’s an astonishingly small percentage of the pool of registered voters making a choice about a fairly large amount of public resources. As one journalist remarked after the election, “Depending on how you look at it, the bond proposal Crutcho voters considered Tuesday either sailed through or was approved by the narrowest of margins.”¹

Other stories related to low levels of citizen engagement in elections abound in the United States. During the June 2014 primary election held in California, fo...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Tables
• Foreword
• Acknowledgments
• Notes on the Authors
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Political Participation
• 3 Money and Special Interests in Elections
• 4 Presidential Elections
• 5 Congressional Elections
• 6 State and Local Elections
• 7 Political Parties
• 8 The Media
• 9 Vote Choice
• 10 Conclusion
• Index