Part I
East and Southeast Asia
Chapter One
Contexts for Modernism
Intellectual currents in East Asia
Christopher Bush
The term âmodernismâ is commonly used to describe some of the literary and cultural production of the early twentieth century in China, Japan, and Korea, but the range of its application and its relevance to East Asia remain subjects of debate.1 There was widespread interaction with Western authors, artists, and avant-garde movements, ranging from direct emulation (âJapanese futurismâ) to movements found only in the region (new sensationism). East Asian modernisms were shaped by profound geopolitical asymmetries with the West. Nonetheless, many of the interpretive models offered by postcolonial criticism do not apply to East Asia, which was never colonialized by a Western power and indeed produced its own imperialist power in Japan.
Japan
The major authors, movements, and motifs of European modernism are readily found in Japan: Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, and Friedrich Nietzsche; jazz, cinema and the city novels; automobiles, airplanes, and avant-gardes, from futurism to surrealism. Modernism straddles what are several distinct periods in Japan, extending from the late Meiji (1868â1912) through the TaishĆ era (1912â26) and into the ShĆwa (1926â89). The Meiji era is conventionally described as a radical break from the isolationism of the Tokugawa shogunate (1603â1868), leading to a sometimes uncritical absorption of âWestern learningâ and breakneck modernization.
On the cultural front, the first decades of the Meiji era were characterized by the active pursuit of âcivilization and enlightenmentâ, with figures such as Charles Darwin, John Stuart Mill, and Herbert Spencer being widely read and cited. Liberal reformer Fukuzawa Yukichi, educated in both Western and Chinese traditions, is widely held to be the exemplary figure of the period.2
Mori Ćgaiâs short story âThe Dancing Girlâ (1890) is perhaps the most famous work of fiction from this period. A polymath from a samurai family who received a traditional Confucian education and had a successful career as a physician, Ćgai was also a major translator of German literature, as well as a lauded author in numerous literary genres, especially historical fiction.3 Futabatei Shimeiâs Drifting Clouds (1887â9) was the first modern Japanese novel, âmodernâ partly for its emulation of Turgenev, but also because of its innovative approximation of the contemporary spoken language, while Futabateiâs teacher Tsubouchi ShĆyĆâs The Essence of the Novel (1885â6) represents the first work of modern criticism. There was an influx of translated novels, especially French and Russian, starting in the 1890s, and by the start of the twentieth century Japanese fiction was dominated by the reception and development of a kind of confessional naturalism, of which Shimizaki TĆsonâs The Broken Commandment (1906) and Tayama Kataiâs Quilt (1907) are the foundational works.4
Many of the authors from the teens and twenties who remain widely read today do not fit easily into literary-historical categories: Natsume Soseki, probably best known for Kokoro (1914); Shiga Naoya, âthe most canonical of all modern Japanese writersâ (Orbaugh, qtd. in Mostow 2003: 120), was associated with the group around the journal White Birch (Shirakaba, 1910â23); Akutagawa RyĆ«nosuke, known internationally for the stories on which Kurosawa Akiraâs Rashomon was based; and Tanizaki Junâichiro, a cinephilic modernist who championed artifice over âpure literatureâ in a famous debate with Akutagawa (see Mostow, ed. pp.132â135). The novel Naomi (Chijin no ai, 1925) and the essay In Praise of Shadows (1933) are his most widely discussed works in English. The title character of Tanizakiâs Naomi stages one manâs ambivalent obsession with âthe new womanâ, explicitly promoted by the journal SeitĆ (Bluestocking, 1911â16) through content ranging from the erotic tanka of Yosano Akiko to translations of Emma Goldman.
The 1920s were in many respects dominated by the proletarian literature movement and responses to it, but this work is little read abroad today. The first issue of the journal The Sower (1921) marks the conventional starting date for the movement; the 1933 death of Kobayashi Takiji, following his imprisonment and torture, its end. Kobayashiâs most widely read work is The Crab Cannery Ship (1929). During the 1930s, many former leftists performed tenkĆ (conversion or apostasy), some seemingly as a matter of survival, others genuinely converting to ultranationalism.
Many of the major European avant-garde movements were echoed in Japan, with surrealism being the most long-lasting and pervasive. Perhaps the most consequential Japanese modernist movement in literature was the shinkankakuha, usually translated as ânew sensationismâ or âneo-perceptionismâ. Initially inspired by the style of the French writer Paul Morand but incorporating elements of numerous European avant-gardes, its journal was Bungei jidai (1924â7). Its representative figure is Yokomitsu Riichi, whose early stories pioneered the style and whose city novel Shanghai (1928â9; 1931) is arguably the movementâs major work. However, the most famous writer to emerge from this group was Kawabata Yasunari, who not only wrote some of the movementâs major critical statements, but also the screenplay for the most important Japanese avant-garde film â Kinugasa Teinosukeâs 1926 A Page of Madness (Kurutta ichipeiji) â and the other great Japanese city novel, The Scarlet Gang of Asakusa (1930), set in Tokyoâs entertainment district. Ironically, by the time he received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1968, Kawabata was considered a champion of traditional Japanese aesthetics.5
A defining element of Japanese modernism was its proximity to popular culture. Rather than signalling a sphere of high, elite art distinguishing itself from the popular, modanizumu always had strong ties to popular culture, including cinema, cabaret, and detective fiction.6
The single most important modern philosophical school was the Kyoto School, later infamous for its complicity with the authoritarian state during the 1930s and 1940s. By no means constituting a unified school of thought, all of the thinkers nonetheless agreed on the importance of Nishida Kitaro, whose 1911 An Inquiry into the Good is often discussed as the first work of Japanese philosophy (depending, of course, on how one defines âphilosophyâ; see Dilworth et al. 1998: 574). Maraldo identifies as common factors: a background in both Western and Asian philosophy; a critical attitude toward Western conceptions of modernity; and a philosophical engagement with Buddhist concepts, especially âabsolute nothingnessâ (Dilworth et al. 1998: 639â45). Tanabe Hajime, one younger member of the group, seems to have had an influence on Nishida himself. Miki Kiyoshi, Nishitani Keiji, and Abe Masao are among the more famous from the group, which also has connections with Kuki ShĆ«zo, Watsuji Tetsuro, Tosaka Jun, and D. T. Suzuki.7
Korea
Koreaâs colonial era is conventionally divided into three periods: military rule from 1910 to 1919; âcultural ruleâ, from 1920 to 1931; and the period of mobilization/imperialization [hwangminhwa], from 1931 to 1945. Koreaâs was thus a âcolonial modernityâ; urbanization, industrialization, modernism â indeed, mass literacy and modern vernacular literature in general â emerged in the context of colonial occupation, including often intense censorship.
Koreaâs âcivilization and enlightenmentâ moment came around the turn of the century. Beginning in 1906 the ânew fictionâ (shin sosĆl) emerged, including Yi Injikâs Tears of Blood, whose direct treatment of social problems in contemporary life garnered mass appeal. In 1908 Châoe NamsĆn founded Koreaâs first literary journal, Youth (SonyĆn), with a nationalist, reformist agenda. Based on that journalâs publication of Châoeâs âFrom the Sea to Youthâ, 1908 is one of the two conventional dates given for the beginning of modern (kundae) Korean literature. The other, more common date is 1917, the year of Yi Kwangsuâs novel The Heartless: modern in its content, vernacular language, and linguistically innovative impersonal address. Both authors shared a reformist agenda and both would later be among the 33 signatories of the 8 February 1919 Declaration of Independence. Yi was an anti-traditional activist who critiqued Confucian hierarchy, promoted womenâs rights, helped establish a vernacular literary language, and is generally thought of as the founder of Korean literary criticism (Mostow 648â9). He also became a collaborator during the Japanese occupation.8
During the period of âcultural ruleâ, Japan sought to promote the study of Korean culture (within certain limits): 1927 saw the start of the first scholarly journal on the Korean language, Hangul, which fed into efforts to create the first comprehensive dictionary of the language in the 1930s. Founded in 1919 by Kim Tongin, the journal Creation (Châangjo) argued against the previous generationâs utilitarian, didactic use of literature, promoting in its place the idea of literature as art.9
Following the political failures of 1919, Korean Communist groups began to form in earnest, mostly abroad. By the mid 1920s, the proletarian arts movement was a dominant voice in Korean arts and letters, embodied by the Korean Artist Proletariat Federation (KAPF) (1925â35), an organization that often worked in collaboration with the Japan Proletarian Literary Front, founded the same year.
However, starting in 1931 Japanese military dominance intensified even in civilian life and, after the proletarian literature movement was shut down in 1935, direct political commentary became all but impossible. In 1937 Japan began an active campaign to destroy Korean culture: national treasures were pillaged on a massive scale and taken to Japan, where many remain; Shinto worship became compulsory; the Korean language was banned in schools, then in publications, and eventually even in public. A campaign to pressure Koreans to adopt Japanese names began in 1940, the same year the last two Korean-language newspapers were closed (Châoe et al. 2000: 315). In this difficult environment, Korean modernism somehow flourished, including a Korean New Sensationist (sin gamguk) movement directly influenced by recent Japanese literature. The modernist tendency was associated with a collective of writers known as the Group of Nine (kuinhoe), which defined itself in opposition to the KAPF by focusing on form and pure literature (sunsu munhak). In practice, however, artists moved between the tendencies and their aesthetic practices were not always distinct.10 The best-known writers from the group include Pak TâaewĆn, Kim YujĆng, Yi Tâaejun, and Yi Sang, but others joined and left the group over the years. Pakâs major literary works are A Day in the Life of Kubo the Novelist (1934), and Scenes by a Stream (1936/1938), but he is also known for critical essays (Hanscom 2013). The major critic of the group was Kim Kirim, an important interpreter of the major European avant-garde movements and of psychoanalysis. His work also shows the influence of the eraâs major Anglophone critics, including Pound, Eliot, and Richards.
The contemporary study of âmodernismâ in Korea has been shaped by historical debates even more so than in China and Japan because many of the major modernist writers were censored in South Korea until the late 1980s, in part because many âwent northâ.
China
Modernism in China largely coincides with the history of the Republic of China, established following the fall of the Qing dynasty (1644â1911) and officially coming to an end (on the mainland) with the founding of the Peopleâs Republic of China in 1949. Modern cultural history is conventionally divided into the late Qing (roughly 1895â1911, characterized by various ultimately unsuccessful reform movements); the period of the May Fourth Movement, which, starting in 1919, initiated a promodernization break with tradition; and a radicalization of intellectuals in the late 1920s, leading to the deep Nationalist/Communist divide that would largely define the 1930s and 1940s. âModernismâ has until recently been a relatively understudied category in Chinese literary history, viewed as an essentially derivative, imported phenomenon limited mostly to Shanghai and out of step with the main current of modern Chinese literature, namely the development of realist fiction in an accessible vernacular.11
The humiliating defeat of the first Sino-Japanese War intensified the Chinese literatiâs desire for reform. In part because of savage critiques by May Fourth writers, this generation of reformers has often been dismissed as atavistic, but recent scholarship has emphasized the modernity of the late Qing as well as the innovativeness of âtraditionalâ literature well into the twentieth century. Yan Fu translated authors such as Adam Smith, Herbert Spencer, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Henry Huxley, while Lin Shu and his assistants produced âfree translations of over 200 Western novelsâ into Classical Chinese in an effort to revitalize the latter (Denton 1996: 8). Zhang Zhidongâs formulation, âChinese learning as the goal, Western learning as the meansâ, remains widely cited, but an array of reformers formulated other neotraditionalisms, mixing liberal political science, Confucian cosmology, and Darwinian biology. The anti-Manchu ânational essenceâ school sought to reform the educational system while still preserving Chinese traditions against excessive Western influence, while Kang Youweiâs Reform Party promoted the idea of Confucianism as a state religion. Perhaps the most important figure of this period was Liang Qichao. A political activist who spent time in exile in Japan, Liang worked in a wide range of genres, from poetry to journalism to philosophy. Drawing heavily on Fukuzawa Yukichiâs writings, he called for China to develop independen...