In recent years, whenever some unsuspecting stranger asks me what I do, they have often been rewarded with a brief glimpse at the uncanny horrors of corpse medicine. One of the things they typically ask in response is: âDid it work?â. In a few cases, it probably did. We will hear more of how and why shortly. It is worth noting here that we should certainly not write off a medical recipe just because it is old, seemingly quaint, or disgusting. In March 2015 Nottingham University hit the headlines, when it was revealed that researchers there had ârecreated a 9th Century Anglo-Saxon remedy using onion, garlic and part of a cowâs stomachâ. The scientists were ââastonishedâ to find it almost completely wiped out methicillin-resistant staphylococcus aureus, otherwise known as MRSAâ.1
Another typical question is: âWhen was this happening?â. Perhaps the best short answer would be: âmuch later than youâd thinkâ. I have learned this the hard way, given that however much one talks about the days of Shakespeare or Charles II, some people will automatically assume corpse medicine to be a âmedievalâ phenomenon. This belief is actually quite interesting. It probably indicates that, for the person in question, corpse medicine is so strange that it must be pushed back in time as far as possible. Part of this reaction involves the assumption that the medieval period was somehow the absolute past; that, in its backwardness, cruelties, superstitions and so forth, it was so much more different from us than the age of Elizabeth. There were in fact a few instances of medicinal cannibalism prior to the fifteenth century. Before looking at these, let us briefly pitch ourselves back further still.
Classical and non-Christian uses
A patient is receiving treatment. The date is some time around 25 ad; the site is the Roman colosseum. A gladiator lies crumpled on the sand at the side of the arena. Behind him a dark trail leads back to the spot from which he has just been dragged. Looking closer, we notice something slightly odd about the figure crouching over the wounded man. His posture does not suggest a doctor attempting to staunch bleeding, or even to check heartbeat or pulse. Look a little closer still, and you may be inclined to suddenly reel back or to close your eyes. The man sprawled at such an odd angle beside the injured fighter has his face pressed against a gaping tear in the gladiatorâs throat. He is drinking blood fresh from the wound. Why? As you may now realise, it is in fact he who is the patient. He suffers from epilepsy, and is using a widely known cure for his mysterious affliction. He and other sufferers, we are told, were wont to drink from gladiatorsâ bodies âas though from living cupsâ.2
It was also around this time that a physician could recommend a more prolonged cannibalistic therapy for âthe sacred diseaseâ. A related treatment involved nine doses of human liver, again derived from a gladiator.3 The Roman physician Scribonius Largus talks of those Roman spectators who would âstep forward and snatch a piece of liver from a gladiator lying gutted in the dustâ.4 There were probably many potential sources of both blood and liver available in this era. But there is good reason to believe that a gladiator was a quite deliberate and precise choice. He was young and strong, and he died healthy. He was also, we can fairly imagine, courageous, and the liver was at this point (and through the Renaissance itself) thought to be a seat of physical courage. Hence, by contrast, those with bloodless livers, or with blood of poor quality, were cowards, being white or âlily-liveredâ, or (more enduringly) âyellowâ.
What was the opinion of medical authorities on such treatment? One historian tells us that âa remedy for epilepsy involving the blood of a dead gladiator, warrior, or street brawler, although disdained by⌠Celsus, and Galen, nevertheless was singled out as an âexcellent and well proven remedyâŚâ by Alexander of Tralles, writing around 570â.5 We should bear in mind that the eminent physician Celsus (c.25 bc âc.50 ad), though considering such therapy repugnant, did not deny its efficacy.6 The Roman encyclopaedist Pliny the Elder (23â79 ad), meanwhile, told in his Natural History of how ââthe blood of gladiators is drunk by epileptics as though it were the draught of lifeââ. This caused Pliny himself to ââshudder with horrorââ. But, around 300 ad, âa somewhat uncritical summary called Medicina Pliniiâ skewed his initial attitude when it stated simply, ââhuman blood is also effective against [epilepsy]ââ.7 We can add that those who refused to drink the blood of others could, according to Largus, ââswallow blood drawn from their own veinsââ.8
Some of what we are told about very early usage of the human body derives from Renaissance authors. The physician Thomas Moffett (d.1604) was unequivocally hostile to classical corpse therapies:
yea in Rome (the seat and nurse of all inhumanity) physicians did prescribe their patients the blood of wrestlers, causing them to suck it warm breathing and spinning out of their veins, drawing into their corrupt bodies a sound manâs life, and sucking that in with both lips, which a dog is not suffered to lick with his tongue.
At the same time, he also reveals other cannibalistic treatments: âthey were not ashamedâ, he adds, âto prescribe them a meat made of manâs marrow and infantsâ brainsâ. The Grecians, meanwhile,
were as bold and impious as the Romans, tasting of every inward and outward part of manâs body, not leaving the nails unprosecuted⌠Let Democritus dream and comment, that some diseases are best cured with anointing the blood of strangers and malefactors, others with the blood of our friends and kinsfolks; let Miletus cure sore eyes with menâs galls; Artemon the falling sickness with dead menâs skulls; Antheus convulsions with pills made of dead menâs brains; Apollonius bad gums with dead menâs teethâŚ9
Interestingly, Moffett (who must have been aware of the growing popularity of corpse medicine) behaves here rather like those people who would secretly prefer medicinal cannibalism to be a purely âmedievalâ matter. But he, tellingly, tries to shove such repugnant practices back further still, unreasonably blaming them on the pre-Christian cultures of the Ancient Greeks and Romans. As we will see, in many ways corpse medicine was emphatically, necessarily Christian in its roots and its logic.
Less hostile was the sixteenth-century French encyclopaedist, Pierre Boaistuau: âmany ancient physicians of Graecia and Arabia have used the marrow of our bones, the brains of men, and their bowels, yea even the dust and ashes of menâs bones, for to drink them and cause them to serve with marvellous effects to the usage of physicâ.10
Broadening the picture out, we find that various parts of the body were considered therapeutic by âMesopotamian, Egyptian, Greek, Chinese, Talmudic⌠[and] Indianâ medicine, as well as by the Romans.11 Corpse medicine was advocated to some extent by one of Europeâs most important medical authorities, the physician Claudius Galen (c.120â200 ad), while âancient Hippocratic medical textsâ prescribed âpollutant therapyâthe use of bodily pollutants, such as the âpolluted blood of violence,â menstrual blood, and âcorpse-foodââto fight impurity or diseaseâ.12 So states Louise Noble, who adds other human body fluids with a long history of use as medicines, such as âmilk⌠urine, menses, and dungâ.13 The historian Owsei Temkin, meanwhile, points out that while it was chiefly midwives who were known to rouse epileptics from their seizures by rubbing menstrual blood on their feet, it âcan by no means be objected that these practices were believed in only by superstitious Romans or midwivesâ.14 Later on, in the Byzantine Empire which began in 330 ad, under the first Christian Emperor, Constantine, âthe blood of executed criminals was used as a substituteâ for that of gladiators.15 This changed source of blood was in part due to the decline of gladiatorial combats under Constantine. But it also makes very clear that Christians remained at least as keen on blood medicine as were their unconverted Roman predecessors.
The Middle Ages
The alchemy of blood
Chill stone floors; cloaked and hooded figures; faint bubbling murmur of red liquid, distilling through tubes and vessels on a table where handwritten manuscripts are spread out beneath the pale northern light⌠Such is our impression of the territory in which medicinal cannibalism was pursued during the medieval period, when jealously guarded elixirs were circulated among a few monastic correspondents across Europe. We hear, for example, of âa most precious water of Albertus Magnus, as I found it in a certain written bookâ. To make this you should âdistil the blood of a healthful man, by a glass, as men do rose waterâ. With this,
any disease of the body, if it be anointed therewith, is made whole, and all inward diseases by the drinking thereof. A small quantity thereof received, restoreth them that have lost all their strength: it cureth the palsy effectuously, and preserveth the body from all sickness. To be short it healeth all kinds of diseases.
This statement itself tells us a good deal. The blood should be taken from a live and healthy male, and thereafter processed. It could then be applied externally or swallowed, and was clearly viewed as something like an elixir of life.16 But was it really invented, or distilled, by Magnus? Our source for the claim is a sixteenth-century work, credited to the Swiss physician and herbalist Conrad Gesner (1516â65). Can we trust this? It has been pointed out that lesser alchemists and authors of the Middle Ages were all too keen to puff up the prestige of a given recipe by associating it with some more eminent peer or predecessor. St Albertus Magnus (c.1206â80), seen by some as the greatest scientist of his day, would certainly fit that kind of scenario.
In such cases, then, we are dealing with a shadowy web of medieval and post-medieval rumoursâones which are echoed, over in Oxford, by the British scientist and sometime Franciscan friar, Roger Bacon (d.1294). In his book The Cure of Old Age and Preservation of Youth Bacon refers to âcertain wise menâ who âhave tacitly made mention of some medicine, which is likened to that which goes out of the mine of the noble animal [i.e. the body of man]. They affirm that in it there is a force and virtue, which restores and increases the natural heatâ. This agent was, indeed, said to be âlike youth it selfâ. Bacon himself was sceptical about this substance, and his seventeenth-century translator, the physician Richard Browne, also doubted that the medicine referred to was any kind of quintessence. For all that, Browne did admit that âsome would have this to be quintessence of manâs bloodâ.17
A little later, the Spanish physician, Arnold of Villanova (c.1238â c.1310) described various oils made from human bones, against epilepsy, goutâand, indeed, âall griefsâ.18 Arnold was also believed to have given quite detailed directions for the preparation of blood around this time. A letter thought to have been written by Arnold, addressed to his âdearly beloved friendâ Master Jacobus of Toledo, answered this latterâs request âthat I would open to you my secret of manâs bloodâ.19 Jacobus was instructed, accordingly, to use the blood âof healthful men, about thirty years of age, out of which draw according to art, the four elements, as you well have learned and know by the rules of alchemy, and diligently stop each element apart, that no air breathe forthâ. This water of blood, the letter claimed, had power against âall sicknessesâ. It was especially effective at restoring âthe spiritual membersâ (presumably the liver, heart and brain, then thought to contain a vaporous spirit of blood and air). It expelled poison from the heart, enlarged the arteries, cleared phlegm from the lungs, healed ulce...