The Routledge Handbook of Henri Lefebvre, The City and Urban Society

Michael E. Leary-Owhin, John P. McCarthy, Michael E. Leary-Owhin, John P. McCarthy

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• ISBN:
  9781351970532
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Physical Sciences
• Subtopic: Geography
• Index: Geography

The Routledge Handbook of Henri Lefebvre, The City and Urban Society is the first edited book to focus on Lefebvre's urban theories and ideas from a global perspective, making use of recent theoretical and empirical developments, with contributions from eminent as well as emergent global scholars.

The book provides international comparison of Lefebvrian research and theoretical conjecture and aims; to engage with and critique Lefebvre's ideas in the context of contemporary urban, social and environmental upheavals; to use Lefebvre's spatial triad as a research tool as well as a point of departure for the adoption of ideas such as differential space; to reassess Lefebvre's ideas in relation to nature and global environmental sustainability; and to highlight how a Lefebvrian approach might assist in mobilising resistance to the excesses of globalised neoliberal urbanism. The volume draws inspiration from Lefebvre's key texts ( The Production of Space; Critique of Everyday Life; and The Urban Revolution ) and includes a comprehensive introduction and concluding chapter by the editors. The conclusions highlight implications in relation to increasing spatial inequalities; increasing diversity of needs including those of migrants; more authoritarian approaches; and asymmetries of access to urban space. Above all, the book illustrates the continuing relevance of Levebvre's ideas for contemporary urban issues and shows – via global case studies – how resistance to spatial domination by powerful interests might be achieved.

The Handbook helps the reader navigate the complex terrain of spatial research inspired by Lefebvre. In particular the Handbook focuses on: the series of struggles globally for the 'right to the city' and the collision of debates around the urban age, 'cityism' and planetary urbanisation. It will be a guide for graduate and advanced undergraduate teaching, and a key reference for academics in the fields of Human Geography, Sociology, Political Science, Applied Philosophy, Planning, Urban Theory and Urban Studies. Practitioners and activists in the field will also find the book of relevance.

Part 1

Globalised neoliberal urbanism: Hegemony and opposition

John P. McCarthy and Michael E. Leary-Owhin

This part of the book is intended to assist the reader by placing the key ideas of Lefebvre in context. Essentially, Lefebvre addressed the problematic of the big state/private corporation nexus, or neoliberalism, in a range of his writings. This part serves two major roles. First, it provides an overarching context for the rest of the book by placing various ideas and policy and practice implications regarding the production of urban space in the context of the global phenomenon of neoliberalism. Second, the chapters as a whole illustrate how Lefebvrian ideas and scholarship have been taken up in response to perceived neoliberal threats to urban space. The chapters in this part also highlight the hegemonic but contested nature of neoliberalism, and also explain how Lefebvre’s spatial ideas point to the potential for significant opposition which may make use of inherent cracks in the neoliberal façade.

Leary-Owhin provides the opening chapter which seeks to: provide insights into Lefebvre’s intellectual development towards his ideas regarding cities, urbanisation and urban society. It does this mainly by charting the importance of Lefebvre’s theoretical and empirical contributions to our understanding of cities under conditions of capitalism transformed into what has become known as neoliberalism. Over the last 40 years, neoliberalism often appears omnipotent partly because of the tendency to obscure alternatives or render them seemingly impossible. The chapter explains how Lefebvre’s notion of transduction, underpinned by his regression-progression research model, provides intellectual and practical capacities to think beyond the straightjacket of powerful neoliberal forces, allowing a journey to a future possible-impossible urban society.

The spatial ramifications of the production of space under conditions of contemporary neoliberal urbanisation are examined in the next chapter by Haas. Lefebvre’s ideas regarding the spatialisation of Marx’s understanding of capitalism (and the right to the city) are deployed by Haas and brought up to date in a new research context. His empirical focus is the Palestinian reaction to the Israeli government’s intention to establish a new ‘Arab City’ – the city of Tantour – in the Galilee region. In particular, Haas works with Lefebvre’s arguments regarding anti-capitalist struggles for de-colonisation. Important historical details are provided by Haas and the government’s modernist plans for the new settlement of Tantour are shown to contrast with existing Palestinian settlements. These are portrayed as backward; in the mould of shanty towns (see Huchzermeyer in Part 6). Research interviews were carried out to understand the Palestinian resistance to the ethnocratic state-led production of space. In their position as a spatially and politically peripheralised group, the nature of the Palestinians’ right to the city is as a key issue in the residential urban development of the area. Alongside this, Haas contends that the state reformulates ostensible demands by neoliberal elite groups for homeownership into a rationale for certain kinds of urban development. Neoliberal urbanisation may be politically powerful but the right to the city, infused local resistance, allows inhabitants to undermine ethno-class segregation.

Jorge in the next chapter moves the focus to the Global South and considers pericentral self-produced neighbourhoods within Maputo in Southern Africa, reflecting the wider commodification and financialisation of urban space, albeit with resistance to the dominance of use-value and the corresponding implications for processes of expulsion and gentrification. She shows how intervention strategies have often involved the demolition of extensive areas to allow the development of megaprojects for ‘urban renewal’. Such actions, she suggests, are particularly harmful when they occur within areas where tenure is indefinite or perceived as illegal. These spaces, often self-produced, are easily appropriated by local government or private investors. As with other chapters (such as Hesketh’s), this illustrates the application of broader neoliberalist approaches within wider governance, which, within Maputo, has its ultimate expression in the simultaneous processes of centralisation and fragmentation, linked to the contradictions between use-value (via the behaviour of users over time) and exchange-value. Thus the public interest is used as the rationale for interventions via expropriation which does not benefit local users. As within many other chapters, Jorge also highlights the development of micro-resistances to such processes, illustrating the potential of an alternative future which privileges use-value over exchange-value.

Moving focus to contemporary Latin America, Hesketh’s chapter explores the relevance of Lefebvre’s writings in relation to class struggle as evidenced by the production of space. Hesketh’s chapter shows that, in spite of the introduction of neoliberalism as a governing regime, resistance has emerged to create counter-projects and counter-spaces, as part of a broader struggle for utopian space situated within demands for democratic participation and collective rights in Latin America. In so doing, however, he identifies the underplaying in Lefebvre’s writings of rural space, with agrarian struggles often being a primary element of wider social movements.

Mukhopadhyay’s chapter then introduces the case of an urban renewal plan for an artists’ colony in Kolkata in India to illustrate the rationale for an alternative form of production of space. In this case, it is clear that many of the artists feel that, even though their space was messy, dirty and slum-like, it was also distinctive and contributed to their unique identity. In addition, it was also a space that was well-adapted to the primary function of creating clay idols. This led to resistance to the state-sponsored plan for renewal and gentrification, illustrating the potential for an alternative mode of production which might offer more humane and relevant spaces.

Filion’s chapter complements others by taking an overview of Lefebvre’s writings in relation to their influence on policy and practice. He ascribes this influence to a series of factors, including the translation of his books into English, his thinking by association which leads to a multiplicity of ideas (linked perhaps to the influence of surrealist free-association), the potential for these ideas to be interpreted and adapted in different ways and his foresight over future developments in urban life. He foregrounds Lefebvre’s vision for an urban context in which use values (based on human needs and fulfilment) predominate over exchange values, and in which centrality can allow everyone to enjoy rich multi-functionality, diversity, social interaction, creativity and festivity. He also highlights Lefebvre’s focus on the linkage between human alienation (resulting from the exploitation inherent within capitalism) and the right to the city. Mechanisms such as land use planning, he suggests, are unable to address the root causes of problems, and what is needed is universal access to centres which encourage social interaction – the right to the city being essentially the right to centrality.

Nevertheless, he reflects the views of many other authors within the book by pointing out the lack of clear and focused implications in this context, in part due to the associative nature of his writing with many disparate ideas linked together, and the extensive use of analogy. Consequently he foregrounds the difficulty inherent in proposing clear implications from his writings (for instance in terms of concrete forms of development) as well as the lack of evident empirical evidence. But again he suggests that it is perhaps this very nature of Lefebvre’s writing which has significant advantages in terms of flexibility of use and capacity to encompass many interpretations – which are elements that have perhaps assisted with the longevity of his ideas. Filion goes on to show how, in the contemporary context, Lefebvre’s vision for a city which displays characteristics which assist the development of human fulfilment align with some elements of contemporary urbanism such as the provision of urban amenities and festivals. More broadly, however, he suggests that Lefebvre’s vision can be contrasted with the common contemporary model of urban revitalisation based on emphasising elements such as recreation, diversity, culture and spectacle, applies these essentially to the narrow aim of stimulation of economic development, with the ‘creative class’ being the main beneficiary.

Spacek’s chapter considers processes of urbanism in India and highlights again themes of dispossession and displacement resulting from the actions of the state government. He shows how this has led to increasing homogeneity of urban space, related to a dominant focus on functional approaches to land use, and he illustrates the symbolic use of space such as that in relation to airports and related infrastructure developed by the state. As with other cases in the book, however, he also shows the emergence of challenge and resistance to such processes, with the ultimate outcome remaining uncertain.

Marinic’s chapter shows how a process of suburban abandonment, via disinvestment in obsolescent ‘dead malls’ at the Texas/Mexico border, has allowed an emergent heterotopia which offers opportunities for the appropriation of space by historically under-represented groups. This means that areas of previously high-end shopping were subsequently used for carnivals, clandestine pop-up shops, storefront churches and social clubs, showing how alternative occupiers can germinate and thrive in such areas.

Finally, Jorge’s chapter shows how processes of gentrification, linked to use and exchange value, have played out in Maputo. She uses the specific example of pericentral self-produced neighbourhoods, which form ‘prohibited places’ as defined by Lefebvre, reflecting wider processes of commodification and financialisation of urban space, and simultaneous effects in relation to centralisation and fragmentation.

Preliminary conclusions and thoughts

Lefebvre’s ideas and suburbs

To what extent do we need to focus on city centres in isolation in the context of this book? The conclusions begin with a rural example, and many authors in the book’s substantive chapters problematise the rural/urban nexus. This is illustrated by the compelling case of ‘dead malls’ in the chapter by Marinic, showing how these can become spaces for a wide variety of informal use catering directly to the outcast and underprivileged. Can we apply such ideas in other parts of the suburbs, or even in the context of agricultural uses outside the city?

Lefebvre’s ideas and spatial inequalities

Following from the above, how can we ensure that the means and mechanisms which Lefebvre’s ideas encourage can speak directly to those most in need? This links of course to the operationalisation of his ideas for real political change as referred to elsewhere, but also to the centrality of notions of the iniquitous city, fundamental to persistent urban problems faced globally. Ultimately, some might argue that this might lead to destruction/insurrection on a large scale to the detriment of all. Who is addressing this in any meaningful way and how can Lefebvre be leveraged here?

Lefebvre’s ideas and a ‘concrete utopia’

As set out elsewhere there is a compelling need to communicate, translate and make reality the notions explored in this book. How can we engender a ‘concrete utopia’ via these ideas in the absence of empiricism in the ideas of Lefebvre as currently conceived? Should we simply point to positive examples? Should we compile checklists? Should we propose techniques? Often the desired outcome (multifunctional, diversified, festive and inclusive cities) is clearer than the means (none really exist to apply for instance rhythmanalysis to mainstream urban planning).

1

Lefebvre’s transduction in a neoliberal epoch

Michael E. Leary-Owhin

Not so many years ago, the word ‘space’ had a strictly geometrical meaning: the idea it evoked was simply of an empty area… and the general feeling was that the concept of space was ultimately a mathematical one. To speak of ‘social space’, therefore, would have sounded strange.

(Lefebvre 1991a: 1)

The urban (an abbreviated form of urban society) can therefore be defined not as an accomplished reality, situated behind the actual in time, but, on the contrary, as a horizon, an illuminating virtuality. It is the possible, defined by a direction, that moves toward the urban as the culmination of its journey. To reach it – in other words, to realize it – we must first overcome or break through the obstacles that currently make it impossible.

(Lefebvre 2003: 16–17)

Introduction

Breaking through the obstacles, referred to by Lefebvre in the second epigraph above, means in part, I argue in this chapter, seeking to overcome the more pernicious aspects of the production of urban space inherent in presently existing neoliberalism. Henri Lefebvre is associated with a range of fascinating but challenging ideas related to cities and the urban. His ideas have endured severe criticism and fierce changes in academic and political fashion over the last five decades. They endure partly because they rest on a solid Humanist Marxist foundation and partly because Lefebvre tended to eschew the detailed prescription of ready-made solutions. That said, I argue he does provide guidance for empirical research – the spatial triad being an obvious ...