To give you a flavor of the diverse interpretations of the term âempathy,â have a look at the definitions below. They are not cherry picked, I promise. Instead, they are regularly quoted and used in the literature in both philosophy and psychology.
(D1) âWe define empathy as an affective response that stems from the apprehension or comprehension of anotherâs emotional state or condition and is similar to what the other person is feeling or would be expected to feel in a given situation.â (Eisenberg 2005, 75)
(D2) â[âŚ] the three essential features of empathy: affective matching, other-oriented perspective taking, and self-other differentiation.â (Coplan 2011, 6)
(D3) âA perception-action model of empathy specifically states that attended perception of the objectâs state automatically activates the subjectâs representations of the state, situation, and object, and that activation of these representations automatically primes or generates the associated autonomic and somatic responses, unless inhibited.â (Preston & de Waal 2002, 4)
(D4) âEmpathic concern refers to other-oriented emotion elicited by and congruent with the perceived welfare of a person in need.â (Batson 2014, 41)
At first blush, it may seem that these definitions are not really that different. And in a way they are not. They all describe emotions that are singularly sensitive to others. Empathy, it is clear, is an other-oriented state or activity. However, they differ in the ways they take these emotions to be other-oriented, as we shall see below.
The cause of empathy. (D1) and (D3) specify that the other personâs affective state is the cause of empathy. (D3) focuses on perception. In a typical instance, you express that you experience some emotion, and upon observing your expression, I come to experience an emotion of the same general type. For instance, I see you cry, and I come to feel sad. (D2) states that it is not enough that we see someone be sad; we must also take her perspective. That is, I must imagine that I am (her) in her situation. Perspective taking is often seen to be empathic in the psychological literature but is nonetheless different from feeling with and for others. (D1) has a slightly wider scope, for it takes into consideration that there are many different ways I can acquire information about your being sad, only one of which is seeing it for myself. For instance, I am told by a friend that you are sad. This makes me feel sad in turn. (D1) and (D2), as it turns out, also include as empathic my feeling sad when considering the situation you are in. In this case, I might actually not know what you feel, and there is the possibility that you do not feel sad at all. But, the thinking goes, it is fair to assume that the situation would make you feel sad, and so my sadness still counts as empathic. For example, I know that your spouse has left you for another person and that makes me feel sad for you.
Emotion matching. But not everybody has this focus on affect. (D4) is pretty clear that it is the overall welfare of the other person that is at issue, not what they happen to feel. In some ways, the thinking here is similar to the one above, where we assume that we can infer someoneâs feelings from the situation they are in. The situation in this instance, though, is general welfare. Put simply, has something good or bad happened to the person? When our affective quality matches their welfare, we feel empathic concern. Suppose you have just been turned down for a long-awaited promotion. For me to empathize with you, I must experience a negative emotion in response to this information. As we shall see later, Daniel Batson, who is the proponent of this definition, has pretty precise ideas about the affective quality of empathic concern.
Self-other differentiation. Another important factor in distinguishing these accounts is the degree to which the empathizer is aware that she is empathizing. What does this mean? Well, if you look at (D3) you see that all that is required is that the empathizer attends to the target and she comes to feel the corresponding affect herself. She may or may not know that her emotion is empathic. In other words, she may not be aware that her emotion is about the other person. For instance, our empathizer may come to feel sad upon observing sadness in her friend but feel her sadness as her own. (D3) comes from people working on animal cognition. It is easy to see how well this account will fit some animal scenarios. By contrast, proposed by a philosopher, (D2) insists that empathy requires a robust self-other differentiation. According to this philosopher, (D3) would not describe empathy but what psychologists call emotional contagion. To get to empathy, we must ask: âIs one feeling sad, distressed, concerned for the other, or feeling this way as a result of what has befallen oneselfâincluding the experience of seeing another suffer?â (Batson 2014, 42). Only in the former case is what we feel empathy, if we are to believe Dan Batson or Amy Coplan.
It should now be clear why many people complain about âempathyâ being an impossibly confused term. Different people mean different thing by it. But things are not as bad as they seem. Mainly, people have one of four slightly different things in mind when they talk about empathy. They are: 1) âemotional contagion,â which is described in (D3), 2) âaffective empathy,â which is described in (D1) and (D2), 3) âperspective taking,â sometimes called âcognitive empathy,â which is central to (D2), and âsympathy,â sometimes called âempathic concernâ (particularly in psychology), which is described in (D4). Let us briefly look at each.