Handbook of Police Administration
eBook - ePub

Handbook of Police Administration

  1. 472 pages
  2. English
  3. ePUB (mobile friendly)
  4. Available on iOS & Android
eBook - ePub

Handbook of Police Administration

About this book

As figureheads of the most visible segment of criminal justice, today's police administrators are forced to tackle challenges never faced by their predecessors. Heightened local and global threats, advanced technologies, and increased demands for procedural transparency require new levels of flexibility, innovative thinking, and the ability to foster and maintain relationships within the community. It is more crucial than ever to recruit and retain capable leaders to guide law enforcement agencies at this pivotal time in history.

Covering areas such as leadership in policing, use of force, and understanding how the law shapes police practice, Handbook of Police Administration examines the key topics that must be considered by law enforcement professionals. Recognizing that police leaders need the skills and traits of a politician, accountant, attorney, field lieutenant, and futurist, the authors cover a variety of contemporary issues surrounding police administration and management. Divided into five thematic sections, it considers the legal aspects of overseeing a public sector organization, as well as how research, technology, and training can assist modern police leaders in performing their duties more effectively and efficiently. The book covers problematic issues such as officers accepting gratuities, undercover work, and the time criteria required for promotional consideration. It concludes with a chapter comparing administrative issues in Australia with many of the subjects previously addressed with regard to U.S. protocol.

Using a range of perspective, differing viewpoints, and controversial issues, Handbook of Police Administration provides a springboard to stimulate discussion at the cutting-edge of debate in the dynamic field of policing.

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Information

Publisher
Routledge
Year
2017
Print ISBN
9781574445596
eBook ISBN
9781351564458

Section IV

Special Topics in Police Organization, Management, and Administration

15

Professional Courtesies: To Ticket or Not to Ticket

John Kleinig and Albert J. Gorman

CONTENTS
Introduction
The Scope of Professional Courtesies
Are Police Special?
Hazards of Privilege
Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes

INTRODUCTION

It is well known that police do not normally ticket each other. If a police officer is pulled over for speeding or driving under the influence, and it becomes known (police officers have a way of making it known) that he or she is a police officer, then the chances of a ticket being issued or an arrest being made will plummet.1 Maybe the officer will be given a warning, maybe he will be escorted or taken home, and maybe nothing will happen—the process will be more like that of checking an admission ticket.2 Police officers know this, and it can sometimes create a difficult situation. In one jurisdiction, the problem of officers driving home under the influence became so serious for a neighboring jurisdiction that a formal letter was sent to its headquarters, warning that the practice could no longer be tolerated and that formal action might have to be taken in future.3

THE SCOPE OF PROFESSIONAL COURTESIES

How far such courtesies extend is not altogether clear. Both with respect to the class of beneficiaries and the nature of the courtesies, there is variation and vagueness. On-and off-duty officers from one’s own jurisdiction will almost always have such courtesies extended to them. But then there is also a potentially larger class of people to whom such courtesies are frequently extended: officers from other jurisdictions,4 retired officers, the immediate and not so immediate families of officers, and so on, extending sometimes to members of other groups whose affiliations are generally of a work-related kind.5 With respect to the kinds of courtesies involved, officers with whom we have spoken sometimes draw an informal distinction between administrative and criminal violations. Speeding, parking, and drunk-driving offenses are seen as administrative breaches; burglary and armed robbery would almost certainly be viewed as criminal.6 Disorderly conduct, domestic, and some sexual assaults frequently occupy a gray area.7
Professional courtesies are not, of course, the exclusive preserve of police. As the name indicates, they are endemic to professional life, and their analogues are no doubt found in other occupations and contexts. Doctors and lawyers quite often assist each other—and their families—without or at reduced charge, or provide them with speedier service than they might otherwise have received.8
The case of what are termed police “courtesies,” however, might appear to be different. In part, this may be because police are seen as public servants and not as private entrepreneurs. Even if it is allowable for others, as private service providers, it is not for the police to show this kind of favoritism. Thus, police who pledge allegiance to the Law Enforcement Code of Ethics vow never to “permit personal feelings … or friendships to influence [their] decision … [and to] enforce the law courteously and appropriately without fear or favor.” As beneficiaries of a public payroll, they owe impartial treatment, making distinctions only where relevant distinctions can be drawn. Whereas impartiality may be optional for private professionals, it is mandatory for police officers.
There is, however, another more important reason why we might want to distinguish police courtesies. Police are pledged to enforce the law, and failure to do that just because an offender is a fellow officer is a violation of one of the central requirements of their office. Discretion is one thing; favoritism another.

ARE POLICE SPECIAL?

Notwithstanding these apparent differences, one is hard put to find police officers willing to advocate the ticketing of fellow officers in situations in which a ticket would have been issued had the violator been an ordinary citizen.9 Quite the contrary. In one of the few “public” statements on the issue, Phil Caruso, the New York City president of the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, is on record as telling his membership “You Don’t Summons Another Cop.”10 On the surface, at least, this looks patently unfair. So what makes for the difference? Does whatever it is justify such partiality? And if so, what limits ought to be observed?
We have heard or can think of several possible arguments11:
(1) Not just police: Police often become self-defensive about the breaks they give each other, and one strategy of defense is to claim that they are not the exclusive beneficiaries of such practices. Clergy, doctors, judges, and sometimes political figures are accorded similarly privileged treatment by police officers. Presumably, this is meant to show that there is nothing specially self-serving about the courtesies, and, therefore—whatever else one might say—that they carry no moral taint.
But this is surely too quick a conclusion to draw, for it presumes that the practice of “forgiving” clergy, doctors, and others is itself defensible. Moreover, it assumes that the reasons for going easy on clergy, doctors, and others shows that police are not acting self-interestedly.
In the case of clergy and doctors, it is quite likely that there exists a certain affinity or fellow feeling. Police officers have to work with clergy and doctors, particularly in crisis situations, and in some cases at least, there are fairly deep ties between the church and police. In departments in which there are appreciable numbers of Irish and Italian police, as is the case in a number of large U.S. cities, the connections may be quite substantial, and the courtesies extended may be very considerable.12 Police and doctors both understand and have to deal with the messy end of human life, and so, despite the enormous social differences,13 an empathy exists, such that a warning is more likely to result than a ticket.14
At best, the affinities between police, clergy, and doctors show why courtesies extended to one group might also be extended to another. They do not show that they are justifiably extended to any group. Later we will see how the group cohesion argument [see (3) below] might be employed to accommodate all three.
The situation of judges and political representatives is probably different.15 Police have to work with judges, and alienating them may create problems in the courtroom. In the case of politicians, there is probably little love lost between them and the police. That is probably because of what police often see as political interference with their work. Politicians, whether through the legislative process or through personal influence, can and do affect the working conditions, prospects, and lives of police officers, and extending “courtesies” to them might seem the prudent or expedient thing to do.16
Expediency is not a very good reason for making an exception in favor of judges or the politically influential. It is more like bowing to a veiled threat or acceding to what is “politic” than making a wise judgment about what would be the most appropriate thing to do. We must, however, recognize that a great deal of public life is conducted under constraints of these kinds, and, as a matter of social fact, it is hardly surprising that police respond as they do.
(2)The exercise of allowable discretion: That police are not rigidly bound to enforce all the laws all the time, and that they have some discretion about how to enforce them need not be argued here.17 Whatever the public relations face of police work, we all know the reality is one that requires and, indeed, accepts that police exercise some discretion about how they fulfill their social tasks.
Police do not ticket every violator of traffic regulations. Sometimes they ignore, sometimes they warn, sometimes they ticket, and sometimes they may even arrest. And so the exercise of a discretion that refrains from ticketing a fellow officer need not automatically violate any reasonable expectation we may have of police. Indeed, provided that they issue enough tickets to give substance to the traffic regulations, there may be few constraints on the considerations that ought to influence the decision not to ticket. Ergo, it might be argued, the nonticketing of fellow officers remains within the boundaries of allowable discretion.
But acceptable discretion is not an arbitrary power, even though it may sometimes need no powerful basis. Granted, police may exercise discretion. But why in this way in these cases? If scarce police resources make it a bad investment to focus on certain kinds of traffic violations or on traffic violations in certain situations, that may well be a reason for going easy on certain violators or even for not enforcing the law at all. If someone is speeding because he is trying to get emergency medical assistance or because he is on a deserted country road, that may be a reason for not issuing a ticket. The exercise of favorable discretion may be justified here.18
However, what is it about a fellow officer that makes it appropriate to exercise favorable discretion in his case? Does it not constitute the same kind of favoritism that one finds in nepotism, bias, and partisanship, the very partiality that police vow to avoid in their role as law enforcers?
Sometimes police do endeavor to show why, in the case of a fellow officer, they feel justified in exercising favorable discretion. It may be said, for example, that police know how to handle a car at high speeds. Or that if they have had a few too many drinks, that is understandable and excusable—given the stresses of the job. A compassionate response is called for, and another officer is able to give it.
We do not wish to deny that considerations like these are sometimes relevant. We doubt, however, whether they are overriding.19 And they are hardly sufficient to justify the steady practice of letting fellow officers off. Courteous “discretion” is not grounded in some contingent circumstance of a case but simply in the identity of the violator. Some police officers can handle cars better than others, and though some stresses may come from the job, others do not. Something more needs to be said than the discretionary argument appears able to provide. What we need to find is not some situational factor that enables one to say “I won’t ticket you …” on a particular occasion, but a different kind of factor, associated with a person’s identity as a police officer, that will explain and justify a general practice of favorable discretion. The discretionary argument, in other words, does not explain—or justify—the refusal to ticket as a “professional courtesy.”
There is, however, one group-related factor that might be adduced in favor of the discretionary argument. Were it arguable that police violators would suffer more or disproportionately if summonsed or formally dealt with, this could be taken into consideration in deciding whether a summons or arrest was warranted. It is not uncommon for violators of traffic rules to plead that a summons will cause them excessive hardship (they will lose their license, their job depends on having a license, etc.), and it could well be the case that police who are convicted of certain traffic violations (say, of driving under the influence or of breaching the law—without good reason—while on duty20) will experience some form of dep...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Half Title
  3. Title Page
  4. Copyright Page
  5. Table of Contents
  6. Foreword
  7. Preface
  8. Contributors
  9. SECTION I Leadership and Police Administration
  10. SECTION II Legal Issues in Police Administration
  11. SECTION III The Role of Empirical Research, Education and Training, and Technology in Police Administration
  12. SECTION IV Special Topics in Police Organization, Management, and Administration
  13. Index

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