The philosophical, psychological, psychiatric, sociological, and anthropological traditions that surround and embed contemporary understandings of the emotions run so deep and are still so influential that their effects on any understanding of emotion cannot be overestimated. This chapter is devoted to a discussion of these traditional concepts, understandings, formulations, and theories. It follows Heideggerâs (1975/1982, p. 12) suggestion that the progressive phenomenological understanding of a phenomenon proceeds through a deconstruction of prior theories and formulations. Such an unraveling or unveiling of prior formulations of emotion is necessary if its social phenomenological interpretation is to have solid footing.
The following theories and views of emotion will be reviewed: (1) the James-Lange theory of emotion, (2) the recent psychological formulations of Lazarus, Averill and Opton, Arnold, Singer, Plutchik, Ekman, and Izard, (3) the recent sociological formulations of Kemper, Hochschild, Shott, Scheff, and Collins and the more classic sociological formulations of Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and Simmel, (4) Freudâs model of the emotions, (5) Lacanâs psychoanalytic theory of the Other, speech, desire, and history, (6) Scheffâs theory of emotional catharsis, (7) Sartreâs theory of emotion.
The James-Lange Theory of Emotion
The James-Lange theory of emotion has been the subject of considerable scientific debate since its (1890) publication by William James in Principles of Psychology (see Wundt, 1891; Worcester, 1893; Dewey, 1894, 1895; Irons, 1894; Stratton, 1895; Baldwin, 1894; Mead, 1895, 1982a; Cannon, 1929; Sartre, 1939/1962; Schachter and Singer, 1962; Kemper, 1978b; Scheff, 1979, 1983). Portions of Jamesâs theory were formulated by the Danish psychologist Carl Georg Lange in 1885, and James combined his views with those of Lange. The James-Lange theory offers a physiological accounting of the constitution, organization, and conditioning of the âcoarserâ emotions such as grief, fear, rage, and love, in which âeveryone recognizes strong organic reverberations,â and the subtler âemotions, or those whose organic reverberations [are] less obvious and strong,â such as moral, intellectual, and esthetic feelings (James, 1890/1950, vol. 2, p. 449).
The general causes of the emotions are assumed to be internal, physiological, nervous processes, not mental or psychological processes. Moods, affections, and emotions are âconstituted and made up of those bodily changes which we ordinarily call their expression or consequenceâ (James, 1890/1950, vol. 2, p. 452). A purely disembodied emotionâfor example, the emotion of fear without a quickened heartbeat, sharp breathing, or weakened limbsâwould be a nonentity for this theory. The emotions are the result of bodily changes that occur as a reflex effect of an exciting object or fact confronted by the person.
An emotional experience follows this sequence: (1) the perception of an exciting fact or object by the person, (2) a bodily expression such as weeping, striking out, or fleeing the situation, (3) a mental affection or emotion, such as feeling afraid or angry. Many theories of emotion, as well as common sense, place the bodily expression of weeping or striking out or fleeing after the emotion of feeling anger or fear. The James-Lange theory alters this sequence, placing bodily expressions between the perception of the exciting fact and the emotion. In everyday terms, we âcry and then feel sadâânot âwe feel sad and then cry.â âThe bodily changes follow directly the perception of the exciting fact . . . our feeling [them] as they occur is the emotionâ (James, 1890/1950, vol. 2, p. 449). This is a physiological-cognitive theory of emotion. Physiological processes, however, take precedence over cognitive states. In the theory, the word emotion refers to âthe rank feeling of excitementâ that comes from the physiological sensations felt by the person (James, 1894, p. 525).
The debate and criticism that have surrounded the theory involve the following points. Considerable controversy and words have been wasted over whether the James-Lange theory is a centralist, a peripheral, a specificity, or an antispecificity theory of emotion. Rather than placing the critics of the theory (or the theory itself) into these categories, I shall avoid labels and treat each critic in turn, regardless of classification. First, Wundt (1891) argued that James gave insufficient attention to the fact that emotions intensify and develop as they are experienced. Second, Irons (1894, 1895) argued that the theory did not deal with the place of the self and subjective feelings in the experiencing of emotion. He stated: âNot the mere object as such is what determines the physical effects, but the subjective feeling toward the objectâ (1894, p. 78). Irons further stated that the theory did not belong to psychology because it ignored the self and its unity. Third, Worcester (1893) suggested that the theory did not have a place for self-feelings and emotional reactions of the self. He proposed the term feeling-attitude for these feelings. Fourth, Baldwin (1894, pp. 610â623), who termed the James-Lange theory a peripheral theory of the emotions, suggested that the âcoarserâ emotions the theory dealt with were phenomena of instinct. Many of the emotions the theoryâs critics focused on were learned emotions that emerge during a childâs moral, social, and intellectual development. It is true that the original theory drew heavily on Darwinâs works (1859, 1872/1955) and did not satisfactorily treat the âsubtleâ emotions. Anger, fear, and rage were primary emotions discussed by James. Baldwinâs point was well taken.
Jamesâs responses to these criticisms were to sharpen his conception of the physiological meanings of the term emotion and admit into his formulations a broader interpretive stance on the part of the person experiencing an emotion. He stated: âSuch organic sensations being also presumably due to incoming currents, the result is that the whole of my consciousness (whatever its inner contrasts be) seems to me to be outwardly mediated by these [physiological sensations]â (1894, pp. 523â524). He did not develop Deweyâs position, discussed next, that emotion is an inhibition to acting habitually.
Fifth, John Dewey (1894, 1895), elaborating Baldwinâs Darwinian observation, proposed the following conception of emotion: âCertain movements, formerly useful in themselves, become reduced to tendencies to action, to attitudes. As such they serve, when instinctively aroused into actions, as means for realizing ends. But so far as there is difficulty in adjusting the organic activity represented by the attitude with that which stands for the idea or end, there is a temporary struggle and partial inhibition. This is reported as affect, or emotional seizure. Let the coordination be effected in one act, instead of in a successive series of mutually exclusive stimuli, and we have interest. Let such coordinations become thoroughly habitual and hereditary, and we have Gefuhlston [emotional disturbance or affect]â (1895, p. 32).
Sixth, G. H. Mead, whose fuller reactions to the James-Lange theory have only just become available, developed Deweyâs modification of the theory as follows: âThe point of view of Dewey assumes that the emotion as such arises through the inhibition of a tendency to act. There is of course an affective side of all consciousness, but this does not appear as an emotion unless there is an inhibition of a tendency to act. ... If the emotion is to be regarded as a function of inhibition, we cannot accept Wundtâs theory or the James-Lange theory. The clenching of the fist does not cause the emotion, but the inhibition of the act of striking does produce the emotionâ (Mead, 1982a, p. 40). In his brief comment on Jamesâs theory in 1895, Mead (1895, pp. 162â164) basically supported Jamesâs formulations but drew attention to the inhibition to response that occurs on perception of the exciting fact. Thus, and most important, Dewey and Mead insert an inhibitory phase between stimulus and reaction.
Seventh, Cannon (1929) argued that the thalamic neurons are the cause of the emotions. The thalamic theory of the emotions modifies the James-Lange theory by asserting:
An external situation stimulates receptors and the consequent excitation starts impulses toward the cortex. Arrival of the impulses towards the cortex is associated with conditioned processes which determine the direction of the response. Either because the response is initiated in a certain mode or figure and the cortical neurons therefore stimulate the thalamic processes, or because on their inward course the impulses from the receptors excite thalamic processes, they are roused and ready for discharge. That the thalamic neurons act in a special combination in a given emotional expression is proved by the reaction patterns typical of the several affective states. These neurons do not require detailed innervation from above in order to be driven into action. Being released for action is a primary condition for their service to the bodyâthey then discharge precipitately and intensely. . . . The theory which naturally presents itself is that the peculiar quality of the emotion is added to simple sensation when the thalamic processes are roused [Cannon, 1929, p. 200].
Eighth, in a study now regarded as near classic, in which some subjects were injected with epinephrine and others with an inert substance, Schachter and Singer (1962) argued that âan emotional state may be considered a state of physiological arousal and of a cognition appropriate to this state of arousal. ... It is the cognition that determines whether the state of physiological arousal will be labeled as âanger,â âjoy,â or whateverâ (p. 380). This formulation significantly modified Jamesâs theory. The experiment designed to test this hypothesis has been subjected to considerable interpretation and criticism. The findings appear to be inconclusive (Kemper, 1978b, pp. 166â187; Scheff, 1979, pp. 92â100).
Ninth, Jean-Paul Sartre (1939/1962) critically evaluated the James-Lange theory from a phenomenological perspective and rejected it on the following grounds. First, behavior, physiological or expressive, is not emotion, nor is the awareness of that behavior emotion. Second, the body does not call out its own interpretations, which are given in the field of consciousness of the person. Third, the bodily disturbances present in emotion are disorders of the most ordinary kind but are not the causes of emotion. They ratify the existence of emotion for the person; they give emotion its believability. Fourth, to consider only the biological body, as the James-Lange theory does, independent of the lived body, and the personâs consciousness of his or her body as the source of his or her emotion, is to treat the body as a thing and to locate emotion in disorders of the body (Plessner, 1970; Meinong, 1972). Emotion as a part of the personâs lived experiences in the lifeworld has not yet been given adequate attention by either the critics or the followers of the James-Lange theory (see Scheler, 1916/1973).
The factors isolated in the theory are not disputed. The perception of the sequence of the factors and the emphasis on strictly physiological as opposed to social, psychological, and in teractional processes are the sources of current controversy (see Kemper, 1981). Furthermore, the production of a crucial, incontrovertible experiment that would clarify once and for all the centralist/peripheralist debate is still sought (Scheff, 1983).
Sartreâs critique, which is accepted in this text, would, if adopted, put an end to sociologistsâ preoccupation with physiological definitions and formulations of the emotions. Sartreâs work, however, has been largely ignored in the recent literature, as the following discussion will reveal. His criticisms of James apply, as well, to recent theorists who have used Jamesâs definition of emotion.
Recent Psychological Formulations
A number of recent psychological theorists have significantly advanced beyond Jamesâs physiologically grounded theory by emphasizing the cognitive, affective, phenomenological, situational, motivational, and interactional dimensions of emotion and emotionality. Candland (1977, pp. 1â85) provides an extremely useful review and statement of these theories, as do Izard (1977), Arnold (1970), and Plutchik (1962, 1977). Arnoldâs theory, which is cognitive, interpretive, and phenomenological, stresses the individualâs active appraisal of a social situation as an emotional line of action is built up toward a social object. Her theory has certain similarities to Meinongâs (1972) theory of emotional presentation. Arnold suggests that a sequence of emotional experience begins with appraisal and interpretation, Meinong proposes that an emotional field of experience presents itself to the person as a situation to be lived through and given meaning. In this sense emotions exist ahead of the person, as fields of experience that must be constructed. Plessner (1970), Strasser (1963, 1970), Binswanger (1963), Giorgi (1970), and Schmalenbach (1977), in more fully developed phenomenological statements, have made similar arguments, as have Airport (1955), Kelly (1955), May (1958), Rogers (1961), Smith (1974), HarrĂ© and Secord (1973), Icheiser (1970), and Riezler (1950).
Averill, Opton, and Lazarus (1969), Lazarus and Averill (1972), and Averill (1980) have developed a model of emotion that is quite close to Arnoldâs appraisal theory. They assume a threefold emotional response system that elaborates Deweyâs (1895) suggestion that an inhibition of action occurs between stimulus and response and that inhibition may redefine the stimulus. First, emotional responses may serve as stimuli that contribute to an emotional experience. The emotional response system they develop suggests, second, that emotions are social constructions (Averill, 1980, p. 38) that are shaped by primary and secondary appraisal processes, which operate within the human brain and the individualâs sociocultural system. The third element of the emotional response system consists of cognitive, expressive, and instrumental responses to the emotional stimulus situation.
Izard (1977) develops an interactional-motivational theory of emotionality that incorporates physiological processes into the personality system. Termed the âdifferential emotions theory,â Izardâs formulation suggests that emotions interact, so that one emotion may âactivate, amplify, or attenuate anotherâ (Izard, 1977, p. 43). This model suggests comparisons with Plutchikâs, which combines an evolutionary model of human development with a differentiation of what Plutchik terms the primary emotions (as discussed earlier) into primary, secondary, and tertiary dyadic complexes, or structures. Such a mixed, or interactive, model of the emotions assumes that there are only a small ânumber of pure or primary emotionsâ (Plutchik, 1962, p. 41). Ekmanâs (1973, 1980) investigations indicate that certain emotions, those termed primary or fundamental by Izard (1977), have the same expressions and experiential qualities in âwidely different cultures from virtually every continent on the globe, including preliterate cultures having had virtually no contact with Western civilizationâ (Izard, 1977, p. 6). The expressions, or languages, of emotion as given in the human face and in nonverbal communication appear to be universal (Darwin, 1872/1955; Ekman, 1973, p. 259). A further elaboration of the cognitive and affective approach to emotions is given in Singerâs (1973, 1974) and Tomkinsâs (1962, 1963) works, which stress the importance of fantasy processes, dreams, and imagery in the personâs emotional and motivational system. These theorists, with Izard (1977) and Mowrer (1960), assume that emotions constitute the primary motivational system for human beings (Izard, 1977, p. 38).
These psychological formulations have importance for the perspective developed in this book. They bring emotions out of the unconscious into the conscious world of the person. They situate emotions in the social and cultural world. They speak to the universal modes and forms...