1 Introduction and overview
1.1 Introduction
Research has shown that the needs of young people in care1 are often complex and extensive because of the reasons for their admission to care and/or the challenges associated with being in care. While these needs often require formal supports, such as psychology or social work, there is increasing evidence that the availability of informal social support from a trusted adult can also make a significant difference in the lives of young people. Research has shown that many young people in care draw on natural mentors (i.e. non-parental adults) for guidance, encouragement and emotional support and that those who do so tend to experience more positive outcomes (Munson, Smalling, Spencer, Scott, & Tracy, 2010; Singer, Berzin, & Hokanson, 2013). However, these supportive relationships are often lacking for some young people in care; research has shown that many such young people feel that they lack personal, emotional and practical support from a trusted adult (Baker, 2017; Kersley & Estep, 2014).
Formal mentoring programmes aim to replicate the benefits of natural mentoring relationships by âmatchingâ a young person with a volunteer mentor who can be a friend and support to him or her. The youth mentoring model recognises that many young people prefer to look to an informal source for ongoing emotional support than to a professional helper, and value social connections that they perceive to be authentic, confidential and meaningful (Dolan & Brady, 2012). Mentoring can be considered a flexible intervention that is capable of working with the âwhole young personâ in his or her own environment, culture, context and gender and building on their unique strengths. As a social policy intervention, mentoring also has the advantage of being available outside of âworking hoursâ and thus has the potential to provide support to young people when needed (Brady & Dolan, 2007).
While there is a growing body of research exploring the outcomes associated with natural and formal youth mentoring for children in care, there is currently no book that brings together theory, research and practice in relation to youth mentoring in a care context. This book aims to address this gap by providing a comprehensive synthesis of current international literature on theory and practice relating to mentoring for young people in care and leaving care. It also includes the findings of new qualitative research with young people in care regarding their experiences of formal mentoring and how it impacted on their lives.
In this opening chapter, the authors set out the context for this volume and introduce the key rationale and concepts of the book. The reader is provided with a brief introduction to the nature of adolescent development, with consideration of the challenges which some young people can face during their transition from childhood to adulthood. The concept of children and youth living in or leaving care is introduced and key issues highlighted. Some of the key theoretical perspectives on mentoring are considered; including social support, coping, resilience, relational cultural theory and social capital. Finally, an outline of the structure and content of the book that follows this introductory chapter is provided.
1.2 Adolescence
Described as the journey from childhood to adulthood, adolescence is a time of rapid development and change. These changes, which generally start at around 12 years of age include bursts of physical growth coupled with processes of emotional regulation and cognitive or intellectual development. This process of adolescent development is often described in terms of transitions (Feldman & Elliot, 1990; Coleman & Hendry, 1999). Though the concept of adolescence as a time of âstorm and stressâ has been challenged, commentators agree that few developmental periods are characterised by so many physical, social and psychological changes as adolescence. Drawing on the work of developmental theorists such as Erickson (1968), Eccles and Gootman (2002, p. 48) summarise the challenges faced by adolescents as follows:
- Changing the nature of the relationship between young people and their parents
- Exploring new personal, social and sexual roles and identities
- Transforming peer relationships into deeper friendships and intimate partnerships
- Participating in a series of experiences and choices that facilitate future economic independence
These changes take place in complex social settings and are dependent upon the assets of the individual, the social supports available to them and the developmental appropriateness of the settings encountered by young people as they pass through adolescence (Eccles & Gootman, 2002). A large body of research underlines the role of the parents and family in providing a stable foundation for healthy development into adulthood (Bowlby, 1953; Erickson, 1968). The social environment in which the family live is also important â according to Seden (2002, p. 195), child development is âa complex interaction of the individual, the adults who determine the childâs upbringing and the social environmentâ. Most young people draw upon the supports of family, school and community to make the transition to adulthood without serious difficulty. A minority of young people experience difficulties, however, particularly where there is stress in the family and social environment. For young people who experience adversity, adolescence can be a particularly troubled and tumultuous period (Rutter, 2012).
While the social context of the youth phase is always changing, it can be argued that the nature of youth transitions to adulthood has been particularly affected by the intense social change that has occurred in recent decades (Cote, 2014). Children are increasingly likely to grow up in a lone or step-parent family, while the collective security traditionally provided by church and community has declined. Everyday life has become increasingly mediated by technology and social media, bringing greater exposure to marketing and consumerism and an expectation of constant social engagement. Young people have the freedom to question established beliefs and certainties, can enjoy a plurality of identities and lifestyles and are expected to be reflexive and proactive about their futures (Farrugia, 2013; Furlong, 2013). While liberating in many ways, a consequence of these changes is that people can experience self-doubt, anxiety and depression in the face of an infinite range of possibilities (Farrugia, 2013).
1.3 Young people in care and leaving care
The term âin careâ is used to refer to young people living in or âlooked afterâ in alternative care, which are public-welfare supported arrangements, or private arrangements coming under statutory control, for children living out of their own homes. While there are a broad range of types of alternative care, the most common forms are foster care (family based) and residential care (institution or group) settings. In addition to these formal models of care, many children are looked after in informal kinship care arrangements by relatives or friends. Children generally enter into alternative care due to reasons such as death of a parent or parents, neglect, abuse or the inability of their parents to care for them for reasons that may include addiction, disability or acute poverty.
For some children, coming into care can be a positive experience, offering a sanctuary from abuse and harm, while for others it can be profoundly difficult experience, where they feel wrenched from the familiarity and comfort of family and community. Many children experience emotions and difficulties related to separation, loss, attachment, trauma and bereavement as a result of their experiences (Healey & Fisher, 2011). The effects of these experiences can have implications for the childâs adjustment to life in care and their ability to form attachments with other adults. Depending on the timing and circumstances of entry into care, being in care may involve moving away from home, changes of school, having to make new friends and adjusting to a new environment, while the child must take on a dual or multiple identity as a member of their birth family and foster family (McMahon & Curtin, 2013). When relationships and placements are disrupted, the young person must repeatedly âstart overâ and can fall behind at school. Furthermore, young people may feel embarrassed or stigmatised about their care experience and struggle with the ongoing presence of social care professionals in their lives (Sutton & Stack, 2012; Selwyn & Riley, 2015). Young people in care must learn to cope with these experiences in addition to the normative pressures of adolescence.
While many children thrive in care and do very well, the general trend observed in research is that outcomes in relation to education, health and well-being tend to be relatively poorer for children in care (Baker, Briheim-Crookall, Magnus, & Selwyn, 2019; Stein, 2012; Stein & Munro, 2008; Gypen, Vanderfaeillie, De Maeyer, Belenger, & Van Holen, 2017). When the time comes to leave care at age 18, young people must also adapt quickly to independent life in comparison to their peers who can rely on more extensive family support into adulthood. Empirical studies in a range of countries have attested to the challenges faced by young people transitioning from care, particularly when these transitions are fractured, accelerated and poorly supported (Carr & Mayock, 2019).
However, decades of research have also shown that outcomes are better where the young person has positive resources in his or her life, such as stability and continuity of care, strong relationships, professional support and personal motivation. A key theme in research on outcomes is the importance of supporting relationships and maintaining continuity in the lives of young people in care and leaving care (Baker, 2017; Fahlberg, 2012; Stein, 2012). Those involved in supporting young people in care can play a key role in increasing the chances for successful outcomes. In recent years, greater emphasis is placed on the importance of relationships in social work generally, and child protection specifically (Hingley-Jones & Ruch, 2016). This welcome refocus strengthens support for considering how relationships-oriented work can be developed within formal systems of support â especially when it comes to working with children and young people (Winter et al., 2016). The importance of avoiding a narrow focus on âchild protectionâ in interventions is also emphasised in recent literature (Parton, 2014b; Devaney & McGregor, forthcoming).
While access to a range of formal agency supports through social work, specialist mental health, educational and welfare services is essential to support children in care as required, sometimes this is not sufficient even with the increased emphasis on relationship based practices. As we discuss in more detail especially in Chapter 8, there are many complex reasons why reliance on the social worker/professional relationship alone will be insufficient for meeting the needs of the young person. Even in cases where relationships are strong between young people and their professional support workers, young people also need robust and dependable informal support systems. While foster parents, family, friends and community members provide invaluable informal social support for many, some young people in care do not have such supportive relationships in their lives (Baker, 2017). As we will discuss in more detail as the book progresses, there is considerable potential for professional support services to support and encourage the formation of mentoring relationships for young people in care. Research has found that mentors can enhance the informal support system of the young person, both through the relationship directly and by connecting the young person with social opportunities through which they can develop friendship and support networks. While it is important to caution that mentoring will not be appropriate or required for every young person and should not be seen as a âpanaceaâ, McGregor, Lynch, and Brady (2017, p. 355) argue that the potential offered by this approach is not being realised at present, with social services perhaps relying too much on formal services only.
1.4 Youth mentoring
Youth mentoring can be understood as a caring, trusting and supportive relationship between a young person and a non-parental figure who provides guidance, support and encouragement to the mentee (Schwartz, Lowe, & Rhodes, 2012; Rhodes, Spencer, Keller, Liang, & Noam, 2006). Mentoring can have an impact on young people by enhancing social and emotional well-being, improving cognitive skills and promoting positive identity development through role modelling and advocacy (Rhodes et al., 2006). Research has shown that mentored young people can have positive gains in many aspects of their lives, including social, emotional, behavioural and academic domains (Spencer, 2012).
Mentoring has a long history and can be found in ancient cultures and folklore. The Greek mythological story The Odyssey has the first description and mention of the term Mentor (meaning wise one). Mentor was a support and guide to Telemachus in what was probably the first recorded youth mentoring match, albeit a mythological one (Online Etymology Dictionary, 2018). In Irish folklore, mentoring features in the fabled life story of the mythical Fionn macCumhal, an ancient Irish warrior and folk hero who was leader of the Fianna, a prominent Irish tribe. Orphaned at a young age, Fionn was mentored by the bard Finnegas. Finnegas, who was an unofficial meantĂłir (Irish word for mentor) to Fionn, taught general wisdom as well as the art of poetry (MacLeoid & MacWilliam, 1989).
Mentor and Finnegas can be seen as natural or informal mentors, non-parental adults, such as extended family members, neighbours, teachers and coaches from whom a young person receives support and guidance (Horn & Spencer, 2018, p. 183). These relationships develop organically within the young personâs social network and are maintained by the youth and adult involved, without external intervention. Research has found that many young people identify the presence of a natural mentor in their lives and that such mentors can provide support, act as role models, encourage learning and skills development, promote self-esteem and connect young people with opportunities (Southwick, Morgan, Vythilingam, & Charney, 2007; Stanton-Salazar, 2011). The results of a meta-analytic review of 30 studies of natural mentoring conducted since 1992 (Van Dam et al., 2018) found that the presence of a natural mentor was associated with positive youth outcomes, particularly in the areas of social-emotional development and academic and vocational achievement.
Because not all young people have natural mentors in their lives but may benefit from having such a relationship, formal mento...