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Going Cuckoo
But why think, why not try?
John Hunter, 17755
The popularity of natural historical observation in England reached a peak with the publication of Gilbert Whiteâs The Natural History of Selborne in 1789. Jenner tapped into the popular mood, and assured himself a place of honour among scientific minds, by going cuckoo in 1788. In that year he finally published his âObservations on the Natural History of the Cuckooâ in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, after more than a decade of thinking about it. The article capped years of ad hoc research in which Jenner observed, shot, collected, dissected and prepared. It is easy, perhaps, for the contemporary reader to see in Jennerâs rambling and scrambling among the hedgerows, looking for birdsâ nests, a mark of amiable eccentricity. Yet Jenner was of a piece with many of his peers, who sought to explain the natural history of the phenomena around them by collecting, and often by killing, what they saw. Not only was his treatise accurate scientifically â it was the first to fully explain what happened to the âsiblingsâ of cuckoo chicks and why â it also tapped a rich vein of general interest.6 Jenner was a man of the moment.
The cuckoo research did not come out of nowhere. Jenner was Hunterâs country collector, doing experiments at his bidding and sending all manner of materials to London. Hunter wanted salmon, eels and cuckoos, and had an insatiable appetite for hedgehogs. Hunter once wrote to explain an experiment involving living bats, âif you catch anyâ.7 The âifâ was, undoubtedly, an imperative. Between them, they materially accelerated the disappearance of the bustard from England, its rareness even in the 1780s making Hunter all the more desirous of having one killed and sent. Jennerâs roaming of the countryside on his way to the homes of patients provided the ideal opportunity to fill his bags. His spoils went by the new mail coach service, which started in 1784 between Bristol and London, via Bath (and which must have exercised a high degree of tolerance with Jennerâs parcels). Mostly, Jennerâs preparations were already dead, but sometimes they were sent to Hunter alive. As early as 1773, Hunter commissioned Jenner to provide him observations on cuckoos and on the breeding of toads, congratulating him at the same time for his success with parsnips. Within days, Jenner sent him a cuckooâs stomach by mail. Hunter demanded more, telling Jenner to start meddling with cuckoo eggs, placing them in different nests and keeping an account of his observations.
The research was anything but disciplined. Jenner, on his rounds, would stop to observe, shoot and collect. In his mid-twenties, Jenner was much more concerned with hedgehogs than with cuckoos, trying to find out (again at Hunterâs behest) what happened to their temperature at different times of year. Jennerâs work room at home must have been a forbidding place, as he beheaded and dissected one hedgehog after another; then cuckoos, rooks, swifts, martins, and later dogs, and the organs of cows, pigs, and, occasionally, people. Jenner was particularly interested in the sexual habits of various animals, and he carefully measured the size of the testes of many birds at different points in the season. Hunter set him about sexing eels.
Such enthusiasm for experimentation was not untypical for a young man of science, filled with Enlightenment principles. There were no ethical quandaries; only the pursuit of knowledge. This drive would come to be essential to the development of the vaccine, which employed children as Jennerâs experimental subjects. Jennerâs attitude towards the natural world was directed, shaped and commanded by Hunter. Any tendency to intellectual speculation was soon eliminated in favour of more practical methods. In a letter of 1775, Hunter made this perfectly clear:
I thank you for your Exp.t on the Hedge Hog; but why do you ask me a question, by the way of solving it. I think your solution is just; but why think, why not try the Exp.t Repeat all the Exp.t upon the Hedge Hog as soon as you receive this, and they will give you the solution.8
Jennerâs cuckoo research gives an indication of how his experimental instinct was developing; in particular, his determination to gather certain proof. Most of his observations were of cuckoos in the nests of hedge sparrows, but he also documented cuckoos being fed by other species. On one occasion he had the opportunity of seeing a cuckoo chick being fed by titlarks (pipits), which was a somewhat rare occurrence: âI saw the old birds feed it repeatedly, and, to satisfy myself that they were really Titlarks, shot them both, and found them to be so.â9
There ended the vagaries of speculation, and also lives of the titlarks, and probably that of the cuckoo as well. We might now recoil from such matter-of-fact killing, but Jennerâs time was not ours. Nature was then thought to be at the disposal of man, who had been nominated âLord of the Creationâ by God. Creatures were placed on earth for the amusement and education of men, and to kill an animal for the sake of widening the scope of human knowledge was not a moral concern, but a scientific obligation. This outlook could take a local naturalist to extraordinary lengths. Perhaps the peak of Jennerâs willingness to do Hunterâs bidding concerned the acquisition of a porpoise. Hunter wanted one âfor either Love or Moneyâ. In early 1777, Jenner was alerted to a female porpoise â actually it was a bottle-nosed dolphin â swimming up the Severn with a calf. He shot both, and must have recruited many people to haul the carcases out of the river. Jennerâs account of this event, which he still recalled over forty years later, has a sensory quality and is filled with a kind of awe, but no sense of remorse or disgust. We might judge this harshly, but modern Western ethics and the sentiments that underlie them were not part of the emotional repertoire of the eighteenth century.
Hunter wanted the mammal âcoarsely strippâd & the bones put into a casket and sentâ, which evidently happened, since it now resides in the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons in London. The calf was to be preserved whole if not too large. Almost giddy with excitement, Hunter was eager for Jenner to taste the porpoiseâs milk, telling him exactly where to find the nipples. Hunter later asked him if the milk was sweet, imploring him to preserve some if he could. Even in 1819 Jenner could recall that the âmilk was like that of the Alderney Cowâ. Hunter wanted the breasts, the kidneys, the stomach and a piece of the intestines sent intact. All this Jenner did, bloodied to the elbows and relishing the chance to examine and dissect what he described as âvery wonderful animals â they seem to be the human beings of the Ocean & wherever nature could humanize them compatibly with progressive motion & their apparatus for taking their food, she does itâ.10 Notwithstanding the high place in nature accorded this class of animals, Jenner and Hunter were perfectly in accord with their eraâs Enlightenment ideals of mastery over nature. To skeletonise a âwhaleâ was a major achievement.
Throughout the dolphin episode Hunter continually pressed Jenner to get on with the cuckoo work, but Jenner was about to experience a bump in the road that would slow his progress. For several months in 1778 the correspondence between the two men dried up, specifically after Hunter wrote to Jenner in July that he had heard about Jennerâs marriage to âa young Lady with a considerable fortuneâ.11 Hunter had hoped it was true, but alas Jenner was experiencing heartbreak. We do not know the details of the object of Jennerâs affections or the reasons for his love remaining unrequited, but at the end of September Jenner finally told Hunter of his disappointment. Hunterâs response is perhaps the best example of the nature of their relationship, which was at once tender and distant, friendly but clearly stratified. The mentor wrote to his disciple:
I own I was at a loss to account for your silence, and I am sorry at the cause. I can easily conceive how you must feel, for you have two passions to cope with viz that of being disappointed in love and that of being deserted, but both will wear out, perhaps the first soonest. I own I was glad, when I heard that you was married to a woman of fortune; âbut let her go never mind herâ. I shall employ you with Hedge Hogs.12
According to Baron, being occupied with hedgehogs was not an effective tonic, and Jenner suffered for some years over his loss. He wrote to his oldest local friend, Edward Gardner, some five years later, complaining of âconstant fatigueâ, not only of body, but also of mind. âStill the same dead weight hangs upon my heartâ, he complained, describing a âstream of unhappinessâ that seemed âinexhaustibleâ.13 If Jenner was inconsolable, Hunter was insatiable, demanding eels, hedgehogs and, relentlessly, cuckoos.
In the process of working out the peculiar life course of the cuckoo, Jenner had cause to kill a great number of them. Hunter in particular pressed his protĂ©gĂ© to mail them to London, in various states. Through such work, Jenner refined his skills in making anatomical displays, many of which were of cuckoos. Some of his avian preparations are to be found among the prized possessions of the Hunterian Museum. Hunter thanked Jenner for sending him a cuckooâs stomach. He also wanted cuckoosâ eggs and nests â a nest with an egg, a nest with a young cuckoo, and a nest with an old cuckoo (as well as crowsâ nests and magpiesâ nests). Killing females at various points in the season, Jenner was able to dissect them and display them so as to demonstrate the cuckooâs prodigious egg-laying capacities:
That the Cuckoo actually lays a great number of eggs, dissection seems to prove very decisively. Upon a comparison I had an opportunity of making between the ovarium, or racemus vitellorum, of a female Cuckoo, killed just as she had begun to lay, and of a pullet killed in the same state, no essential difference appeared ⊠The appearance of one killed on the third of July was very different. In this I could distinctly trace a great number of the membranes which had discharged yokes into the oviduct; and one of them appeared as if it had parted with a yolk the preceding day.14
This morbid anatomy was part of Jennerâs proof. The cuckoo did not stay in England for long enough to rear its own young. By laying its eggs in other birdsâ nests, it gained the capacity for the continuous production of eggs, just as with domesticated chickens whose eggs are collected daily. In Jennerâs estimation, nature had found a way for the cuckoo, briefly passing through English shores, to produce a great progeny.
Jenner killed and dissected the fauna about him yet also revered nature as an expression of Godâs creation. There is no contradiction in this, even though it might be difficult for us to comprehend. Jenner was Romantic as were the times (though his poetry, of which much survives, leaves something to be desired). Death was part of nature. Jenner saw the object of his study, the young cuckoo, set about killing the other birds in the nest, designed by nature to eliminate all competition. In his paper for the Royal Society, Jenner commented on the balance in the natural order of things:
nature permits the young Cuckoo to make this great waste, yet the animals thus destroyed are not thrown away or rendered useless. At the season when this happens, great numbers of tender quadrupeds and reptiles are seeking provision; and if they find the callow nestlings which have fallen victims to the young Cuckoo, they are furnished with food well adapted to their peculiar state.15
In short, nature put everything in its place, for divine reasons. It was manâs place to seek to understand nature, the better to revere it. To kill and contrive with nature went hand in hand with curing ailments and mastering the art of survival.
Hunterâs sponsorship of Jennerâs cuckoo work cannot be underrated. Without Hunterâs repeated requests and guidance, Jenner probably would not have set about his systematic research. The final paper was sufficient to gain Jenner his entry into the Royal Society, becoming a fellow in early 1789. The letters FRS after a name carried a great weight of prestige and respectability, elevating the reputation of the bearer to a special rank of the medical and scientific elite. Nevertheless, Jenner would always remain on the fringes of the medical and surgical establishments. He did become a founder member, with Alexander Marcet and others, of the Medical and Chirurgical Society of London (1805), which would gradually evolve into the Royal Society of Medicine.16 At the time, however, it was a breakaway group from the Medical Society of London, and was not significant until later. Here we find a peculiar conflict in Jennerâs character: he was clearly possessed of a significant ambition and a need for recognition, but this need was balanced by a clear preference for the hedgerows of Gloucestershire, wherein lay his objects of study. Jenner felt the pull of London life and resisted. If he were to have fame, it would be chiefly by correspondence; if he were to have fortune, it would be ...