Racialised Barriers

The Black Experience in the United States and England in the 1980's

Stephen Small

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2014
• Print ISBN: 9780415077262
• eBook ISBN: 9781136132209
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

A systematic comparison of key differences and similarities in the experience of black people in the US and England amidst racial hostility. Small argues for an approach to combatting this built on shared racial identities.

Chapter 1

Introduction

SETTING THE SCENE

When most Americans think of England numerous clear, if divergent, images often come to mind. Some think of a society steeped in centuries of tradition, with castles and cathedrals, architecture and other artefacts of so-called high culture. Some think of democracy and the Houses of Parliament, the grace and splendour of the Royal Family, or the archaic and bizarre rituals of the aristocracy. For others a different set of images comes to mind – the rock music of Pink Floyd, the inane humour of Benny Hill, or the profound and irreverent comedy of Monty Python and Black Adder. But Americans in general know a lot less about the Black experience and they have few images of Black people. Like Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man, Blacks in England seldom catch attention, except in the most obvious and stereotypical scenes. In sport they may know of multiple world-title-holder decathlete Daley Thompson, of the world-title-holder for the 100 metres sprint, Linford Christie, or the British heavyweight boxer, Frank Bruno; in music, the soul and funk of Imagination, the soft sounds of sultry Sade, the mid-tempo beat of Loose Ends, and the unsurpassed jazz of Courtney Pine; in reggae, the phenomenal success of Steel Pulse, of Aswad and of UB40. Americans are used to thinking of the United States as a society plagued by racialised antagonism as African-Americans and others live a precarious existence in their quest for the American Dream. They have seldom had reason to visualise England in that way, except for a short time during 1981, and again in 1985, when widespread rioting (so-called ‘race riots’) rocked these popular perceptions. But this soon passed. The image of England still prevails in the minds of many Americans as one of civil calm.

If people in England asked residents of the United States about ‘racialised relations’ in England they would be surprised to learn that England is often seen as a nation of racialised calm.¹ This impression is usually held whether you ask the general public, policymakers or academics (Glazer and Young, 1983). Americans maintain that, unlike the United States, England has never had plantation slavery or Jim Crow segregation, or the three-fifths clause of the Constitution declaring Africans three-fifths human, has less racialised antagonism and few ‘race riots’, no Ku Klux Klan, or ghettos, and no ‘Black on Black’ crime or drug involvement (Pitts, 1989). They are more likely to talk about the widespread evidence of racialised integration throughout England: on the television, in the streets and houses, in the schools and in many other areas of social life including sport, music and discothèques (Voice, 1990).² This, they say, has no parallel in the United States and many have concluded that England is ahead of the United States and that the best way forward in the United States is to follow the examples set there.

In addition, the goals of many institutions in combating racialised conflict in the United States are shaped by impressions of racialised harmony in England, or by goals which England is believed to have achieved some time ago.³ For example, much of the racialised conflict which exists in the United States has been attributed to the physical and social segregation of Blacks and whites, and policies promoting integration are seen as a way to alleviate such tensions (Farley and Allen, 1989: 157). Many American universities see the increasing numbers of minority students as a means to achieve racialised integration not only on the campus but in the broader economic, social and political spheres (Farrell and Jones, 1988; ISSC, 1991). The same is true for the growth of a multi-racialised workforce. Historically, Blacks and whites went to England to learn lessons and gain experience about ‘racialised relations’. There were struggles in the United States which were shaped by impressions of England, for example, abolitionists and the anti-lynching campaigns, when a solidarity movement developed (Davis, 1984: 192). We know that some Black people fled to England when they escaped slavery, and others like Frederick Douglass, Phyllis Wheatley and Booker T. Washington visited England, attracted by its appearance of racialised harmony (Blackett, 1983).

The same Americans might well be surprised to learn that many people in England, especially Black people, believe that Black people in the United States live a better life. Again, this is usually true whether you ask the general public, policymakers involved in efforts to promote racialised equality, or academics.⁴ There are several reasons for this. First, policies introduced by national and local government to achieve racialised equality have drawn extensively upon the United States. Substantial parts of the legislative and institutional framework of ‘race relations’ in England have been begged, borrowed or stolen from the United States, and England has not hesitated to send cohorts of theoreticians and policymakers across, or to invite their counterparts to England, to achieve their goals (Bindman, 1980; Glazer and Young, 1983; Banton, 1984). In the 1990s we are seeing increasing efforts to learn from the American experience of a multi-cultural workforce. All of this is because many in England – Black and white, policymaker and public – see the policies and practices of the United States as the way forward for achieving ‘good race relations’.⁵ Of course, the idea of ‘good race relations’ resonates in different ways with different audiences; while local authorities such as the Greater London Council (in the early 1980s), as well as many Black groups, look for racialised equality, much of this borrowing has been for purposes of containment and control – whether lessons from police chiefs on how to get more Blacks into forces, or for purposes of immigration legislation.

Second, Black people in England have looked to the United States for ideas and inspiration in their struggles against racialised hostility.⁶ They have drawn upon black politics, institutions and culture in the literature, philosophies and music from African-Americans. From the philosophies of Marcus Garvey and W.E.B. Dubois, Angela Davis and Kwame Ture (formerly Stokely Carmichael), to the strategies of Malcolm X, Martin Luther King and the Black Panthers; and from the tactics employed at the Mexico Olympics, to the music of James Brown, Aretha Franklin, and rap, American Black culture pervades Black Britain. African-American culture reiterates itself, and is transformed, in the lifestyles of Blacks in England. Black people in England want Black institutions (universities, businesses, churches) and a Black ‘middle class’. The establishment of Black mentor schemes, the pursuit of Black universities and businesses and the development of ‘Britain’s biggest black networking organisation’, Rapport, all testify to the continued impact (Voice, 22 January, 1991: 23).

In addition, Blacks in England have used their perceptions of Black success in the United States as a yardstick, implicit or explicit, against which to evaluate their own progress. This has both positive and negative effects; the former because it has provided insights, ideas, strategies and encouragement; the latter because Black success in the United States is used to beat Black people in England about the head, and Black accomplishments in England always end up looking pathetic compared to those of their brothers and sisters in the USA. Whether in business and the professions, in politics, music, or sport, Blacks in England look worse off. For example, in an otherwise positive report about a conference on Blacks in Education to celebrate Black History Month the Viewpoint section of the Voice related:

We should learn from the example of the Americans who are far in advance of the Black community in Britain when it comes to making sure that our perspective is a part of what is taught in school.

(Voice, 26 November, 1991: 6)

This puts particular pressures on Black leaders in Britain who are asked ‘Why have we got no Angela Davis, Malcolm X or Louis Farrakhan?’; or ‘Why has there been no Civil Rights Movement here?’ It is one thing to inspire and motivate, another to insult and molest.

In support of their arguments that Blacks in England should emulate African-Americans such groups have pointed to the proliferation of Black businesses and Black universities; to Black representation in many other walks of life including politics (L. Douglas Wilder, Sharon Pratt Kelly, David Dinkins), the business world, the military (Colin Powell), the legal profession, academia and medicine, as well as in sport, entertainment and music (Voice, 22 January, 1991: 5; Voice, 26 March, 1991: 11; Voice, 11 June, 1991: 15). It has been argued that the presence of Black people in top positions such as these is unparalleled in England, and provides the necessary role models and mentors to stimulate further the success of Black young people. Much of this, they add, has resulted from the strenuous initiatives taken to curtail racialised discrimination and promote equal opportunity, in particular affirmative action, as well as from the sustained activities of Black people in the Civil Rights Movement and Black Nationalism (Bindman, 1980). Like their counterpart commentators in the USA they too suggest that the United States is ‘miles ahead’ of their country and the way to promote better ‘race relations’ in England is to follow their example.⁷

Scholarship, study and research about ‘racialised relations’ in the United States has impacted on study of such problems in England. In the academic study of ‘racialised relations’ many of the paradigms, theories, concepts and methods developed and employed in the United States have become entrenched in the approaches of scholars in England. For example, the early empirical studies of Black people in England drew extensively on the works of Americans (Litde, 1948; Richmond, 1954; Banton, 1955). As others have pointed out, British writers continue to borrow uncritically from across the Atlantic (Rex, 1970; Banton, 1983; Miles, 1989b). There is a voluminous literature on ‘race relations’ within the context of national boundaries for both nations, but little attempt at systematic international comparison. In addition, references are made in the popular literature and media. In fact it is almost impossible to pick up a book on ‘race relations’ in England without seeing frequent references to the United States (Hall et al., 1978; Banton, 1983; Jacobs, 1986). There are comparatively fewer references to England in American books, with some exceptions (Schaefer, 1990). Information about the Black experience in each country abounds in the literature and popular media. When we examine this, though the comparisons are not as vividly portrayed or starkly contrasted, there remain many errors and misinterpretations, superficial comparisons, distortions and over-simplifications (Rose, et al., 1969; Jacobs, 1986; Shaw et al., 1987; Killian, 1987b; Kilson, 1987). Many comparisons suffer from limitations of scope and depth, as well as conceptual and theoretical inadequacies. They add few theoretical advances, little to our political education or to the exchange of ideas in ways that can contribute towards combating racialised hostility. In any case, the vast majority of people, particularly non-specialists, continue to read the single-nation literature which is plagued by problems (Jacobs, 1986).

There also remain significant gaps in the literature about these issues. An extensive literature on class, social mobility, industrial relations, politics and education fails to address matters of racialised hostility (Edwards, 1983; Kerckhoff, et al., 1985; Trow, 1988).⁸ Work on immigration is increasing (Institute for Research in History, 1983; Brubaker, 1989). Where comparisons consider ‘racialised relations’ they are often problematic because they distort the contexts of the Black experience, or use inappropriate or misleading concepts (Jacobs, 1986). This has to be rectified. Perceptions such as those just described are all the more surprising when we recognise in both countries that there is considerable information contradicting these perspectives. For example, many pieces appear which, while highlighting certain positive aspects of the Black experience in the United States, also highlight the continuing segregation and conflict (Voice, 22 January, 1991: 16). Apparently the significance of such information is passed over or minimised, with few exceptions.⁹

UNRAVELLING THE THREADS

These kinds of comparisons remain true at a time when most eyes in England are turning towards the ethnic relations and conflict in Europe for insights and alliances. Conferences on community politics and policies and on academic matters have been convened, organisations established, and networks set up as people respond to the new reality of ‘Fortress Europe’.¹⁰ One reason for this has to be that Europe promises access to resources via the European Social Fund. While there are many benefits to be had from that quarter we have yet to assess fully the impact and limitations of the USA on study, policy and political action in England. While attention must be paid to Europe and to the impact which its structures will have on Blacks in England, we cannot afford summarily to dismiss the influence of the United States. There is much that needs to be addressed, and no nation in Europe can offer such benefits (Small, 1993). How are we to account for these misconceptions? Comparisons like the ones above are selective, partial and limited. They often contain many accurate elements but do not tell the full story, or unravel the complexities. Because most observers are not in a position to obtain detailed information, or to construct a better context of comparison, misconceptions persist. In addition, various groups focus selectively on certain aspects because they seek direction, guidelines, models to emulate, or motivation and reassurance that their struggles are not in vain. These include national and local governments, Black groups, policymakers. Consequently, the impression continues to remain for many people of each nation that the grass is greener on the other side.

The overall picture is complex. The structural and institutional frameworks, and the cultural and ideological contexts of the Black experience in each country, reveal undeniable differences: for example, in the size, pattern of settlement, extent of social integration and length of residence of the Black population, and in its representation in the political realm. But there are also a number of striking similarities (including multiple ‘racisms’, systematic exclusionary practices, the continued impact of racialised discrimination and the relative disadvantage experienced by Blacks vis-à-vis non-Blacks in all economic and social realms).¹¹ Though their manifestations and expressions have changed over the centuries, and economic obstacles have always been present, there is clear evidence of the continued persistence of racialised barriers, boundaries and identities of both an individual and institutional nature.

Trying to unravel the intricacies of these patterns and to decipher the apparent paradoxes and contradictions that they disclose reveals two key problems. First, there is a failure to establish an appropriate context of comparison which specifies the variables to be compared and the criteria by which they must be assessed and evaluated.¹² Second, there is the problem of the continued misconception of ‘race relations’, based on spurious assumptions, misleading implications and ramifications and the specification of contradictory and conflicting goals.¹³

While the images held of one another are real, they are too narrow a portrayal of the variety and vitality of Black life, or the range and diversity of our contribution to society and the human experience. Such images do not fully convey the struggles and strivings which have so long been a part of our endeavour to survive and succeed. Nor do they relate the dramas and disasters which have befallen Black people, the activities and sufferings of the thousands upon thousands that were the foundation for the successes of the few, or our tenacious refusal to give in as a people before all the obstacles levelled against us (Akbar, 1984; Christian, 1988; Sivanandan, 1990).

HISTORICAL DIVERGENCE AND CONVERGENCE

A more informed comparison of the two nations presents a strikingly different portrayal – pictures somewhat at variance with these perceptions. Groups in each nation may think that Black people are better off in the other nation, but many of the assumptions of such evaluations are spurious. Slavery did take root on the shores of England, but conditions were inimical to its development, and while there was no constitutional endorsement of slavery it was condoned by England’s most senior judicial authorities (Lester and Bindman, 1972; Shyllon, 1977). There are several instances of institutional discrimination being sanctioned in law, particularly regarding sailors and the military (Harris, 1991; Rich, 1986). There has always been de facto segregation in occupations and education as well as clear evidence of ghettos and housing inequality (Rex, 1988, Smith, 1989); Anti-Black riots are evidenced in England, as is white supremacist persecution and violence against Black people (Walker 1977). Black on Black crime is increasing, as is hard drug involvement. Though the relative proportions of all these activities seem small compared with the USA this is of little consolation to Black people there, and the impact is none the less pernicious.

In the United States, the economic and educational achievements of Black businesses and universities, and their numbers and strengths, are less impressive when compared with the size and length of residence of the Black population, though many have striven steadfastly against a tide of opposition and inadequate funding. Though some prominent Black politicians make the headlines, this does not convey the continued dramatic under-representation of Blacks in office and voting nor the very different political colours of Black people. Prominent Blacks might be seen as role models by some – but role models on their own cannot change structures of inequality. Many see top Blacks not as mentors to be emulated but as sell-outs to be avoided. Professor William King writes of Colin Powell:

Whites and middle-class blacks are proud of him. But it is very difficult for the young brother on the corner to see Powell as a hero. To them Powell is a ‘light-skinned bro’ done good… for himself.

(Voice, 26 March, 1991: 11)

The Black population was sorely divided over the appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court, with evidence of strong disagreement between Black men and women (Black Scholar, 1992). The achievements of affirmative action have been limited (Small, 1991a). A striking positive aspect remains that of the spirit of striving which characterised the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power, not only among the leaders but among the thousands of unknown foot soldiers. In fact we...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• Preface and acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Black people in the United States and England: a profile of the 1980s
• 3 Racialised ideologies, class relations and the state
• 4 Stratification and the Black ‘middle class’: talented tenth or black bourgeoisie?
• 5 Racialised integration, harmony and parity
• 6 Still catchin’ hell
• Notes
• References
• Index