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âIN FORM OF WARâ
War and emotional formation in European history
Stephanie Downes and Andrew Lynch
I. âIn form of warâ
The phrase âarrayed in form of warâ is frequently found in late medieval English official and legal documents to introduce descriptions of the âarrayâ â the armour, weapons and organisation â of certain bands of male individuals (Paston 2004, p. 78). As a written formula, âarrayed in form of warâ is both technical and emotive, designed to place such men in maximum trouble with the law and to brand them as socially intolerable. The phrase encapsulates a central theme of this volume: that the emotions of war are âarrayedâ (that is, dressed and prepared) for use through complex negotiations between the two historical âformsâ of war and of writing. By reading form across both organised conflict and its textual representation, our goal is to broaden understandings of the social conditioning of human emotions in connection with war, throughout history. Feeling, too, takes forms â shared vocabularies, attitudes and gestures â which have a powerful impact on the way in which war in general, and individual wars in particular, garner meaning. The essays assembled here consider all writing(s) relating to war as âgenresâ available for analysis and interpretation, from poetry and biography to tomb inscription. In placing the textual forms of war from various historical periods side by side our object is to identify both how the ways of writing warâs emotions have shifted over time and how they have sometimes stubbornly refused change.
In covering a broad time-span, stretching from the fourteenth to the nineteenth centuries, we are not looking to write an overarching historical narrative in which uniform paradigm shifts in warâs emotional experience will be evident. Rather, the chronological organisation of the volume highlights the varied expressive challenges and opportunities presented by new modes and technologies in both war and textual production. The volume asks: what are the variations, new ventures and recurrences in the âemotional regimesâ of war that result from these formal shifts? The essays it contains explore how different forms of writing define war â whether as political violence, civilian suffering, or a theatre of heroism or barbarism â giving war shape and meaning, often retrospectively.
War itself is a highly variable and historically contingent business. In insisting on war as a set of changing historical, cultural and literary forms, we wish to escape unitary and universalist notions of its emotional register â a sense of what war âfeels likeâ, either in general, or in any given place or time â while still honouring the relation of its formal attributes to lived actualities of feeling. Such an approach understands cultural concepts of emotions and their location within human identity as deeply related to participation in textual culture. Monique Scheer has argued, for example, that the formation of an âinnerâ emotional life in German bourgeois culture of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries achieved its definition largely through the creation and consumption of written media: encyclopedias, diaries, âintense epistolary exchangesâ, novels, and religious and philosophical discourse. Stuart Sherman makes a similar case for English culture in the early modern period (Sherman 1996). Scheer notes the decline of âinsideâ and âoutsideâ in German definitions of emotion after 1840, but tracks a specific resurgence after the Second World War of âinteriorityâ as the place of the âtrue selfâ, allowing âa refugeâ and âa return to âinner valuesâ as a reaction to the experience of dictatorship and war. She then goes on to chart the subsequent displacement of this view by behaviourist models of the emotions that redirected attention to the physical body as the site of ârealâ emotional experience (Scheer 2014, pp. 35â39). For a while, historical trauma produced a resurgence of the idea and value of emotional interiority, and reframed the emotional life of a nation on an earlier model, which had developed in written and sociable form in an earlier period.
Scheerâs study demonstrates that participation in written culture structures and informs the performance of emotional repertoires, but always within particular historical contexts. In this volume, and for this reason, we are especially attuned to warâs emotions as historical experiences whose production is bound up in a wide range of bodily and cultural practices â including the forms of writing themselves. As Scheer elaborates in her discussion of how Bourdieuâs habitus relates to the study of past emotions, bodily repertoires â including writing â are an intrinsic part of emotionâs forms:
[t]he formulation of thought is different when one is moving a pen across paper or typing on a keyboard as opposed to when one is speaking. Writing for oneself, as in a diary, while sitting alone has interiorizing effects, whereas speaking out loud while in view of a dialogic partner has exteriorizing ones. The social relationship of the two speakers affects the bodily dimension of the emotion in tone of voice, heart rate, and facial expression, which are all guided by the practical sense of the habitus, somewhere between deliberate control and unconscious habit.
(Scheer 2012, p. 212)
Aspects of this idea of the formal repertoires of emotion, âsomewhere between deliberate control and unconscious habitâ, were adopted by Jan Plamper in his study of Bolshevik childrenâs literature produced and consumed in times of war. Plamper suggests that, in certain conditions, reading can affect an âemotional socializationâ specifically related to war: âless intentional, less signified, and less conscious aspects of the reading experienceâ, âget stored as practical knowledge that is also simultaneously cognitive and corporealâ, and this âcan be recalled ⌠in different circumstances, including those of warfareâ (Plamper 2014, p. 205). Catherine Nall identifies a similar process but in an earlier period, arguing that for the later medieval English ruling class, reading and the conduct of war were inseparable activities. In her view, there is a dynamic, âcircularâ interaction between âacts of textual production and reception, and the specific political and military circumstances in which they occurredâ (Nall 2012, p. 2). Whether the process of emotional formation described by Plamper and Nall occurs through reading in general, or through reading about war in particular â whether it is understood as conscious or unconscious, and whatever the theoretical balance struck between the corporeal and cognitive elements of reading â both Plamperâs and Nallâs claims avowedly depend, in their different ways, on a thoroughly situated and historicised analysis of the texts and acts concerned.
Such historical analyses demand an awareness of the formal and aesthetic communicative potential that texts offer their contemporary readerships, as well as the evidence for readerly engagements with them. Writing War seeks to explore that awareness with greater historical depth. Through its wide selection of sites of utterance, written and theatrical genres, and contexts of publication and reception, the collection elaborates the emotional forms of wars past, both in relation to the nature of individual historical conflicts, and to the changing creative modes in which they have been âarrayedâ and experienced since.
II. War, history and writing
As Kate McLoughlin points out in her introduction to the Cambridge Companion to War Writing, war has been remembered in words so often throughout history that even certain literary forms have become synonymous with individual conflicts; the First World Warâs affinity with English lyric, for example, or the close connection of the âwar on terrorâ with the digital archive (McLoughlin 2009, p. 1). Some of these generic textual associations have great historical depth: for example, the Hundred Yearsâ War, waged by the English and French crowns between 1337 and 1453, which is well remembered in its lyric forms and cross-Channel literary exchanges (Butterfield 2009; Strakhov 2014; Bellis 2016). The seventeenth-century civil wars in Britain take shape for us in a Georgic immersion in landscape. Understandings of frontier colonial violence from the early modern period are so often deflected through the literary-affective register of pastoralism. Observing that certain conflicts possess a characteristic âpoesisâ usually requires a certain amount of distance â whether physical or temporal â from the conflict itself (McLoughlin 2009, p. 2). Of course, war and writing can unfold simultaneously, but the backward glance of history becomes crucial in evaluating how war, especially an individual war, will be culturally and socially remembered.
It is the trans-temporal potential of this poesis and its relationship to Western representations of emotional experience in and after wartime that this collection aims to explore in greater depth, with particular reference to England, France and Scotland from the Middle Ages through to the earlier nineteenth century. A 2015 publication, Emotion, Politics and War, edited by Linda Ă
häll and Thomas Gregory, addresses its subject matter in a post-2001 setting, drawing on research by an international selection of social and political scientists and cultural theorists to emphasise the ways in which the study of emotion in warfare has been minimised or overlooked. âEmotions,â Neta C. Crawford (2015, p. xviii) insists in her Preface, âare constitutive of war and politicsâ. The volume pays close attention to the emotional resonances of warâs past and present in the twenty-first century: it opens with a reflection on the emotional meanings demonstrated in the First World War commemorations of 2014 (Gregory & Ă
häll 2015, p. 1); while an early chapter by Brian Massumi (2015, p. 17), reprinted from a 2013 multimedia project on âHistories of Violenceâ, looks back to 11 September 2001, to ask of the political, social and affective present, âWhat remains of that day?â1 Together, the volumeâs contributors consider the roles that various texts play in preserving the emotions of war, from letters and memoirs at the beginning of the previous century, to emails and online media, demonstrating the centrality of writing to warâs emotions, even in the digital age. The collectionâs primary emphasis, however, remains on the emotional and literal politics of modern warfare and the various ways in which these are rendered intelligible in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Gregory & Ă
häll 2015, p. 3).
Our volume seeks to understand and articulate this contingency of war, textual media and feeling over a much longer history. The following sections of the introduction focus on how works of literature from various historical periods are shaped by and in response to wars past, and how these literary-affective forms attempt to shape contemporary and future narratives of war. Our project is in no way constrained by this archive; here we seek to use the rich and varied example of literature in order to examine the role of writing and reading about war in warâs long affective past. In the category of âliteratureâ we recognise the wide variety of poetic, narrative, theatrical and social forms which war has and might assume through writing which demonstrates some awareness or self-consciousness of its own formal vocabulary and structures, and through the associated range of emotions which it might be said to express or provoke. Such texts offer rich case studies for the expression and interpretation of warâs emotions; but also case studies for war-writing in general. Is there an emotional or literary genre of war to be traced from the medieval period through the nineteenth century in the Western European tradition? What can we learn from literature about the history of the emotions of war?
III. War literature as emotional tradition
In medieval European literature, war was a central theme, closely linked with genres such as romance and epic. From Troy to Jerusalem, the locations of past wars and the emotions they produced and that had produced them were vividly imaged. Writers often adapted classical narrative traditions as commentary on current conditions of national and civil conflict, from the Crusades to the Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses. Medieval literature absorbed the culture of warfare, and metaphors drawn from the experience of war sustain some of the most famous and popular literary texts of the day, such as the siege of the captured and imprisoned âRoseâ in the thirteenth-century bestseller, the Roman de la rose. Perhaps more surprisingly, medieval literature also directly influenced the way wars were fought: during the fifteenth century, the revival of practical interest in Vegetiusâs late fourth-century treatise on the art and conduct of war, De re militari, meant that versions and adaptations were widely available in the vernacular and newly influential in these forms (Saunders 2009, pp. 84â85). Military manuals crossed temporal, geographical, linguistic and even political boundaries with ease. Christine de Pizanâs Livre des faits dâarmes et de chevalerie (1410), which drew directly on Vegetiusâs text, was extremely popular in England throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, while Catalan writer Raymond Lullâs popular thirteenth-century text, Libre qui es de lâordre de cavalleria (The Book of the Order of Chivalry), reached a wide readership in France throughout the later medieval period. Both works were translated into English and printed by William Caxton, Englandâs âfirst printerâ, in the late fifteenth century. Many of these vernacular manuals had an extraordinary longevity, influencing not only the reality of war, but the production of literature exploring its effects. Shakespeare, for example, is reported to have drawn from such works in his representation of just war in Henry V (Pugliatti 2010), while in the late fourteenth century, the poet John Gower called London ânewe Troyeâ, reflecting the contemporary fascination with classical narratives of war, conflict and civic destruction.
In other famous literary texts from the medieval and early modern periods, war was thematised at the same time as it was curiously absent from the text, or consciously fictionalised into meta-narratives of war. In a famous scene from Chaucerâs great love poem, Troilus and Criseyde (set during the Trojan war but with little reference to the conflict itself), Criseyde reads aloud from the story of the âSiege of Thebesâ with two of her ladies (Book 2, ll. 83â84).2 Reading about war in times of war forms another kind of redaction of war into words: the words of one war are transposed onto the experience of another, shaping its experience and representation anew. Edmund Spenserâs The Faerie Queene more subtly recalls classical models of warfare and warriors in its representation of Elizabethan political rule and expansion. The later books of Spenserâs allegory (which includes moments of startlingly graphic violence throughout), offers readers a metaphorical reflection on Elizabethâs colonisation of Ireland (Fogarty 1989; Lim 1995). In Cervantesâ roughly contemporaneous satirical novel, Don Quixote, the windmill-tilting protagonist draws on medieval chivalric rather than classical models in telling his own tales of war. Cervantes himself had first-hand experience of conflict as a soldier, having fought under Philip II in the Battle of Lepanto and various Spanish conflicts against the Turks. âNone in his poverty is as poor as he,â Don Quixote declares, âfor he depends on his miserable pay which comes late or never or on whatever he can steal with his own hands at great risk to life and conscienceâ (Cervantes 2005, p. 331). Don Quixote speaks here in the voice of a soldier, but his words recall the supplications of medieval poets to their patrons, suggesting the entanglement of literary form and soldiersâ experience. Writing during the Dutch War of Independence (1568â1648), Cervantes glosses the use and abuse of earlier literatures...