U.S. Economic Power And Political Influence In Namibia, 1700-1982

Allan D. Cooper

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• eBook ISBN: 9781000010268
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

This first comprehensive examination of U.S. relations with Namibia offers a critical analysis of the economic and historical determinants of current U.S. policy in southern Africa. Dr. Cooper first traces American ties to Namibia dating from the 1700s, documenting an extensive commercial interest in the area prior to German colonization. Subsequen

1
Americans in Namibia: A Historical Overview, 1700–1920

Early Explorations 1700–1880

In the decades immediately preceeding the American Revolution the cities and industrial centers of the New World colonies were experiencing an unprecedented growth. In cities such as New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, where the nation's founding fathers and mothers grew restless, a demand increased for energy resources including whale oil which made possible systemized street lighting and which found additional industrial applications in paints, tanning hides and lubricants. Another product of the whaling industry, whalebone, was utilized for umbrella ribs, buggy whips, canes, corset stays and hoop skirts.

During the 1760's the American colonies had depleted the whale stocks off the New England coast and it became necessary to go hunting for whales on the open seas. By the time a Constitutional Conference was convened in 1789 American whalers were competing with the British for dominance over strategic whaling spots throughout the world. The primary effort was directed at the prolific whale stocks off the coast of Namibia,¹ and thus begins America's involvement in the colonization of southern Africa.

Alan R. Booth suggests that some Americans had visited southern Africa long before their Revolution, noting that American colonialists, including slavetraders, were notorious pirates preying on Dutch, French, and English ships around Madagascar as early as the seventeenth century. According to Booth these mariners touch "every anchorage from Morocco to Madagascar,"² and the natural harbor of Walvis Bay was, no doubt, an appealing stopover point. Still, it appears that it was not until the mid-1700s that American commercial interests first began to frequent the Namibian coast on a more regular basis. Descriptions of Walvis Bay during this time stressed the resourcefulness of the region: "The Bay contains good anchorage ground, and shelter for ships, and, at some seasons of the year known to whalemen ...the coast along its margins is visited by these huge animals in pursuit of food."³

Namibia's whaling grounds became increasingly popular to American whalers in the 1770s, and during the 1780s New England whalers such as Benjamin Clark and William Rotch were making Namibia their chief source of whales.⁴ According to Edouard A. Stackpole at least half of the Nantucket fleet of 30 vessels was committed to the fishery resources of Namibia during the 1780s.⁵

Great Britain, already confronted with the political defection of its American colonies, responded adamantly to American competition to their control over strategic resources in southern Africa. Before the American Declaration of Independence Britain provided the only market for whale oil of any consequence, and when American competition increased in the 1770s and 1780s the British retaliated by levying a prohibitive duty of L̵ 18 per ton on foreign sperm oil, which sent the price of American oil downward from L̵ 30 to L̵ 17 per ton, much below whaling costs for the time.⁶ Many New England whalers transferred their operations to Great Britain to escape this duty, but other American whalers like William Rotch (from whose ship tea was dumped into Boston harbor during the "Boston Tea Party")⁷ transferred their operations to France, which was so determined not to see Britain's maritime strength increased any further that it offered attractive financial terms to Americans willing to fly the French flag.⁸ Alan Booth reports that besides the "Dunkirk" fleet of William Rotch over two hundred Massachusetts whalers commanded vessels owned by British or French whaling merchants before the end of the 18th century.⁹ American whalers also were instrumental in assisting the Dutch East India Company in their efforts to investigate and claim the coast of Namibia in the 1790s¹⁰.

In addition to facing adverse tariffs American whalers confronted more direct means of curtailing their operations in the southeast Atlantic off the coast of Namibia. In 1787 and 1794 the Dutch prohibited American vessels from fishing in this region, and the British issued similar proclamations in 1795 and 1796. In the latter year the British escalated these efforts by taking possession of Angra Pequena and Walvis Bay, Namibia's two natural ports, and denied their access to Americans. Several of Rotch's ships were boarded and seized by Dutch and British naval units during the 1790s but the magnitude of the American presence off the coast of Namibia prevented the Europeans from eliminating the American fleet in southern Africa, especially since there was a war waging in Europe.

By the end of the 18th century the American flag was a familiar sight in southern Africa, and merchants from nearly every eastern seaport as far south as Baltimore began supplying such goods as lumber, firewood, building materials, tobacco, and guns in exchange for the hides, wines, and basic provisions available at the Cape. The intensity of the American traffic into southern Africa resulted in one of the quays in the harbor at Cape Town becoming known as the "American Wharf," and in 1799 the United States government despatched John Elmslie of Pennsylvania to Cape Town to take up residence as U.S. Consul to look after the interests of American merchants and mariners.¹¹

Although most of the trade between the United States and southern Africa was directed at the South African Cape (where Namibian products were distributed) much of this commercial traffic traded directly at Walvis Bay and Angra Pequena on the Namibian coast. American whalers had made business contacts with the Khoikhoi and Nama of Namibia from the earliest days of their ventures into southern Africa. Before these contacts were established the Khoikhoi along the coast would often ridicule the American whalers off their shores, mocking their commands and mimicking their minutest actions.¹² However, by the early 1880s Americans were trading with Khoikhoi at Walvis Bay bartering tobacco and iron bars in return for bullocks, sheep, and goats as well as for basic provisions such as water and wood. Near Angra Pequena Americans were purchasing bullocks for no more than a pound of gunpowder or fifty cents.¹³

After the War of 1812 America's economy expanded and New England's resumption of the whaling industry was nothing short of phenomenal; by 1815 Nantucket had assembled a fleet of 48 vessels, with over half sailing for the coasts of Namibia.¹⁴ Within ten years America had wrested from Britain control of the whale fisheries of southern Africa, and profits were further enhanced by low wages paid to blacks and American Indians who made up a large proportion of whaling hands.¹⁵

While proposals for American colonization of southern African territory had become public as early as 1796,¹⁶ it was not until the 1820s that similar proposals were offered for Namibia. Benjamin Morrell had established extensive trading networks with the Khoikhoi, Hereros, Damaras, and other Namibians during the 1820s and had issued several reports noting the economic possibilities of the territory. One such report states:

For the lucrative jerking beef there is not a more eligible situation on the whole of the surface of the globe, as any number of bullocks, in finest order, may be purchased at 50 cents each, delivered at the beach; and for 10 months in the year there is little or no rain. By penetrating to the interior 40 or 50 miles, which can be done with perfect safety, thousands of fine cattle may be purchased for as many toys and the bargains consummated under the guns of your vessel. The Natives are honest and inoffensive. Should any citizen feel disposed to fit out a vessel for the coast of Africa, to procure cargo, hides and other valuable articles I would cheerfully communicate every necessary information on the subject...I could purchase and have driven to the coast more than 50,000 bullocks, besides other valuable articles common to this section of the country - leapord-skin, ostrich-feathers, etc...

The country to the North East abounds with ores and minerals, which, together with ivory, ostrich feathers and other valuable articles, can be had at a low price. The Bay of Angra Pequena affords an immense quantity of excellent fish of many different kinds, which can be caught either with the hook and line or with the seine.¹⁷

Morrell used Spencer Bay as a base for expeditions through the Namibia Desert; here he found copper, lead, iron ore, "precious stones," spices, and valuable drugs. Not until 80 years later did Namibia become recognized as one of the world's richest diamond and mining countries. Still, Morrell's most important discovery was guano (seagull manure) deposits on the islands off the coast of Namibia.¹⁸ Guano had long been known to be an excellent agricultural fertilizer, and upon Morrell's publication of his discovery in 1841 the British secured control over these resources and exploited the deposits to near-extinction within five years.¹⁹ The British ultimately annexed the islands in 1861.

Returning to the U.S. with volumes ot maps, documents, and other evidence, Morrell attempted to interest the United States Government in colonizing Namibia. Argued Morrell,

There can be no doubt that a vast field for commercial enterprise remains to be developed in this part of Africa ... I ardently hope and trust that my country will be the first to engage in exploring this interesting region of the World and open its boundless riches to her adventurous sons. I for one, should glory in leading the way, being perfectly willing to encounter all personal hazard which might attend a solitary pilgrimage across the Continent, for the purpose of opening a permanent and lucrative trade with different tribes and nations.

If the general Government withhold Its patronage for such a laudable undertaking, a joint-stock company of able capitalists will be all-sufficient for effecting the purpose and would be morally certain of gold and returns...²⁰

Morrell's scheme fell on deaf ears; he confessed his commercial friends "thought me enthusiastic, the project chimerical and refused to listen" and the Government was even less responsive inasmuch as it was more interested in westward expansion and colonization of native Americans. Lieutenant Petrie, a British naval officer who contributed the foreword to Morrell's Narrative of a Voyage to the South and West Coasts of Africa... remarked that 'like many other enterprising and patriotic men (Morrell) seems to have been indifferently treated by his country."²¹

Although the U.S. Government failed to actively encourage the colonization of Namibia they did not act to prevent Americans from exploiting Namibian resources and destroying the cultural integrity of the indigenous population. By the 1830s Africans from Little Namaqualand, south of the Orange River in present-day South Africa, were taking their animals to Angra Pequena during the whaling season to trade with American merchants; one American was reported by French officers in the vicini...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• About the Book and Author
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• List of Tables
• List of Charts
• Acknowledgements
• Map of Namibia
• Introduction
• 1. AMERICANS IN NAMIBIA: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW, 1700-1920
• 2. UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD NAMIBIA, 1920-1980
• 3. UNITED STATES COMMERCIAL INTERESTS IN NAMIBIA
• 4. THE POWERS BEHIND THE POLICIES
• 5. CONCLUSION
• BIBLIOGRAPHY
• APPENDICES
• INDEX