1
âWHY SHOULD HE CALL HER WHORE?â
Defamation and Desdemonaâs case
| Emilia. | Why should he call her whore? who keeps her company? What place, what time, what form, what likelihood?1 |
My concern in this work is to use the textual traces of early modern social relations as the point of encounter with early modern agencyâspecifically the agency of those whose point of view has tended to be excluded from dominant cultural production (non-Ă©lite men and all women). My proposal is that the social relations in the community, as conveyed to us in the âshapedâ accounts which come down to us, position the self (the subject) at the intersection of overlaid maps of acknowledged interpersonal connections. This in turn can helpfully sharpen our response to the dramatisation of interpersonal relations on the Elizabethan and Jacobean stage, if we regard stage dramatisation as the focusing of otherwise inchoate âexperienceâ into socially constructed units of meaning, for the purpose of clear and distinct transmission of plot to audience. So the present piece of work is not just offered as one more novel way of enhancing our reading of Shakespeareâs texts; it is proposed as a very particular way of recovering some sense of connection between the textual and the socialârecovering, perhaps, a distinctively cultural dimension in early modern textual production.2
The shift towards such a cultural dimension has come, in my own case, from a sense of limitation within textual studies. Specifically, in some recent âhistoricalâ work on Othello, a commitment to textuality has seemed to carry the consequence that the critic is no longer to be held responsible for distinguishing verbal suggestions of Desdemonaâs guilt which enter the play as interpretations or anticipations of her actions, from the âtaleâ (the construction as plot, in the text) of those actions themselves. The result has been that Desdemona has come increasingly regularly to be âreadâ as guilty by association (with what had been said of her), and her death has been presented as punishment (ideologically and individually), instead of tragic injustice.3 In my view, methodologies which erase the agency of any main protagonist so effectively from the interpretation are fundamentally flawed.4 It is one thing to suggest that, textually, female figures are deprived of the power and authority to control the interpretation and evaluation of their actions (that texts place them permanently in the object position in the narrative); it is quite another to continue to sustain the traditional historical view that the lived experience of women down through history has been as objects.
In seeking to develop a methodology which would restore subject status (subjectivity, even) to the female figure in history, one significant objective seemed to be to find some means of distinguishing in a text between casual verbal formulations involving women, and what I shall specify as events in which women participate. Here I take event to be a configuration of circumstances and persons which was perceived as having a shape, so that it carried a shared meaning for the early modern community: although our access to such a configuration is necessarily via surviving textual remains which give it shape, we are able (I shall argue) to distinguish such an event as socially and culturally meaningful in the flow of incidents and social interactions.5 Take, as an extreme case of the former, the following piece of scurrility on lagoâs part, in the opening scene of Act 2 of Othello:
| Iago. | [Aside.] He takes her by the palm; ay, well said, whisper: as little a web as this will ensnare as great a fly as Cassio. Ay, smile upon her, do: I will catch you in your own courtesies: you say true, âtis so indeed. If such tricks as these strip you out of your lieutenantry, it had been better you had not kissâd your three fingers so oft, which now again you are most apt to play the sir in: good, well kissâd, an excellent courtesy; âtis so indeed: yet again, your fingers at your lips? would they were clysterpipes for your sake.⊠[Trumpets within.] The Moor, I know his trumpet. |
| Cassio. | âTis truly so.6 |
Lewd innuendo at Desdemonaâs expense enters the text without on-stage acknowledgement; and the overly-courteous Florentine Cassioâs reply adds to the joke, as he apparently assents to the implied unchastity of her behaviour (Iago. âThe Moor, I know his trumpetâ/Cassio. ââTis truly soâ). None of us, I think, imagines that this piece of wordplay weighs very heavily in the balance of the playâs developing value-system; indeed, we do not imagine that the figure Cassio, on the stage, has heard the pun. Yet the play on words is there (as it is also, at equivalent moments, in Troilus and Cressida and in The Merchant of Venice) and, in the increasingly intricate games that Shakespearean critics play with the text, it is made increasingly to count as part of a case against Desdemona âa case for making Desdemona take the critical blame.7
Play on words in itself does not damage a reputation; innuendo alone does not shift the emphasis from potentiality for blame (an incautious marriage, provocative behaviour) to blameworthiness. Reputations are damaged by harmful accusations made under socially significant circumstances. At the other pole of the scale of cultural meaningfulness for which I am concerned to construct a methodology stands substantial defamationâan offence against an individual which had consequences, historically, in the community, which was an event with a kind of concreteness and stability to which we are able to give our critical attention, in a specifically historical sense (and making such a distinction is, for me, crucially what it means to read Shakespeare historically).
If we treat Desdemona simply textuallyâas a ârepresentationâ, in a uniformly illuminated discourse (without the light and shade of historical context)âthen the vectors of agency (who acts, and upon whom) will necessarily end with her as object to some male subject.8 Yet, in history, agency is a dynamic in relation to women and to men (both women and men have acted, have been acted upon). It is this historical agency which I am concerned to retrieve, in theory as well as in practice. The distinction between scurrility and an accusation which requires a formal hearing (offensiveness and substantial offence) is designed to retrieve the category of agent, as the intersection of a set of social relationships and cultural expectations.9 To understand what happens in Othello, I shall argue, it is important to distinguish an offensive remark or gesture (of the kind which remains all too accessible and current) from what was once an indictable offence (but one which, as an integral part of the system of social relations of the early modern period, we no longer recognise).10 It does not just matter that a woman is called âwhoreâ, it matters when and where she is.11
If we fail to sustain that dynamic relationship between history and text, we may mistake the shared textual conventions of a period for an authentic Renaissance subjectivity (because separate subjects share access to matching cultural conventions). That in turn may be taken as evidence as to the intrinsic nature of the event these conventions represent (the closest to the ârealâ to which the textual can give us access).
The lure of such a textual âauthenticityâ can be illustrated with an example which turns out to be particularly relevant to Desdemonaâs case in Othello. A recent article on A Midsummer Nightâs Dream juxtaposes a passage from the private diary of Simon Forman, which draws attention to the biological femaleness of the ageing Queen (dated 1597, when Elizabeth I was in her sixties) with two passages of description of the Queen from the journal of Hurault de Maisse, ambassador extraordinary of King Henri IV of France (also dated 1597):
I dreamt that I was with the Queen, and that she was a little elderly woman in a coarse white petticoat all unready; and she and I walked up and down through lanes and closes, talking and reasoning of many matters. At last we came over a great close where there were many people, and there were two men at hard words. One of them was a weaver, a tall man with a reddish beard, distract of his wits. She talked to him and he spoke very merrily unto her, and at last did take her and kiss her. So I took her by the arm and put her away; and told her the fellow was frantic. And so we went from him and I led her by the arm still, and then we went though a dirty lane. She had a long, white smock, very clean and fair, and it trailed in the dirt and her coat behind. I took her coat and did carry it up a good way, and then it hung too low before. I told her she should do me a favour to let me wait on her, and she said I should. Then said I, âI mean to wait upon you and not under you, that I might make this belly a little bigger to carry up this smock and coats out of the dirt.â And so we talked merrily and then she began to lean upon me, when we were past the dirt and to be very familiar with me, and methought she began to love me. And when we were alone, out of sight, methought she would have kissed me.12
The descriptions of the Queenâs appearance by de Maisse are also from a private journal:
She was strangely attired in a dress of silver cloth, white and crimson, or silver âgauzeâ, as they call it. This dress had slashed sleeves lined with red taffeta, and was girt about with other little sleeves that hung down to the ground, which she was for ever twisting and untwisting. She kept the front of her dress open, and one could see the whole of her bosom [gorge], and passing low, and often she would open the front of this robe with her hands as if she was too hot. The collar of the robe was very high, and the lining of the inner part all adorned with little pendants of rubies and pearls, very many, but quite small. She had also a chain of rubies and pearls about her neck. On her head she wore a garland of the same material and beneath it a great reddish-coloured wig, with a great number of spangles of gold and silver, and hanging down over her forehead some pearls, but of no great worth. On either side of her ears hung two great curls of hair, almost down to her shoulders and within the collar of her robe, spangled as the top of her head. Her bosom [gorge] is somewhat wrinkled as well as [one can see for] [sic in text] the collar that she wears round her neck, but lower down her flesh is exceeding white and delicate, so far as one could see.
As for her face, it is and appears to be very aged. It is long and thin, and her teeth are very yellow and unequal, compared with what they were formerly, so they say, and on the left side less than on the right. Many of them are missing so that on...