Part 1
Creating childhood
I know a lot about children – I used to be one.
— Spike Milligan
As the comment from Milligan above illustrates, in discussions about childhood and children all of us feel able to contribute because it is perhaps one of the few areas in life of which we all have had first-hand experience. No matter what the nature of our childhood, we have all been children, so we have all visited that ephemeral and elusive Neverland – whether as a lost boy or girl or as a fairy prince or princess. Due to this factor, all discussions about childhood and children, even academic debate purporting to rest upon empirical and objective data and research evidence, are bound to be subjective in nature to some degree.
As Murphy, et al. (2009: 131) point out, childhood is a difficult concept to define as it is socio-historically and culturally constructed. Therefore, not only will people from different societies and eras have very diverse understandings of what constitutes childhood, but the role of children within society and the obligations of society to children will be very varied.
This book sets out to explore, debate and analyse issues and factors which define and affect perceptions of childhood and the lives of children on an individual, societal and international basis. Within this part we will discuss the origins and construction of the concept of childhood and the child, and childhood identity, both historically and within contemporary society.
The first chapter by Clarke focuses on the debate concerning the emergence of the concept of childhood as played out in the works of social historians such as Ariès (1962) and Pollock (1983). Clarke outlines the sentiments approach taken by Ariès and his followers who assert that a change in feelings, and hence valuation, of the child from the seventeenth century onwards, driven to a large extent by expansion of education, led eventually to the child-centred family unit and society of the twentieth century. In other words, childhood is a construct dependent on socio-historical, political and economic factors, which only came into being from the seventeenth century onwards. After acknowledging the numerous criticisms of this approach, such as dependence on generalized and inaccurate sources, for example, paintings and religious tracts, Clarke suggests that, as the conceptualization of childhood in the late twentieth century is related to the destiny of the nation as a whole, it is indeed a social construct.
Pressler’s chapter explores three major images or models of childhood and the child which have evolved historically and are still prevalent in contemporary Western society. She suggests that these images – the angelic, the demonic and the small person models – are constructed by three discourses about childhood and children: the Romantic, the Puritan and the Rights-based discourses respectively. Pressler suggests that the first two models, in alignment with traditional developmental psychology, construct problematized and negative images of the child as dependent, morally immature and in need – as in a process of becoming rather than as a being. She concludes that in order to construct more positive images of childhood we must move towards more Rights-based discourses of childhood and contemporary developmental psychology which construct children as a people with a voice and with participatory rights in society (see also Chapter 4.3, this volume).
Kassem’s chapter focuses on an increasingly important group of children who are often ignored and almost invisible to the rest of society – children of mixed race or dual heritage. The chapter explores how society and those institutions directly responsible for children, such as the school system, respond to dual-heritage children and how these societal responses impact on the individuals who comprise this group, specifically in terms of how these children construct their identities. The discussion points out that, while this group is comprised of children from a large number of cultures and of ethnic group inter-mixing, it is frequently treated as homogenous rather than heterogeneous. The consequences of this are that when moves are made to cater for dual-heritage children, many individuals within this group are overlooked and marginalized.
Society’s inability, or indisposition, to meet the individual needs of children of dual-heritage can have a devastating impact on the way these children construct their identities and on how they view society and their place in it. As dual-heritage ethnicity is the fastest-growing population group in the UK at present, Kassem points out that it is vital that the needs of children within this group are meet.
References
Ariès, P. (1962) Centuries of Childhood, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.
Murphy, L., Mufti, E. and Kassem, D. (2009) Education Studies: An Introduction, Maidenhead, Berks: Open University Press.
Pollock, L. H. (1983) Forgotten Children: Parent–Child Relations from 1500 to 1900, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.