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Critical Multiculturalism and Higher Education
Resistance and Possibilities Within Teacher Education
MICHAEL VAVRUS
Contemporary multiculturalism in higher education emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. It was a result of uprisings against colonial regimes globally and activism for civil rights in the United States when the effects of racism and economic dependency were identified as central political reasons for emancipatory social action by historically marginalized and oppressed groups. From this cauldron of international movements for fundamental civil rights, multicultural education as a reform movement materialized. The struggle to incorporate multi cultural perspectives into the higher education curriculum, including teacher education, was met with stiff resistance from Eurocentric privileging of access and knowledge. The fight for academic studies with explicit counter-hegemonic content such as Black, Chicano, and Indigenous studies paved the way for eventual calls for inclusion of multiculturalism in higher education.
Despite these initial inroads, what appears to take place in higher education today generally reflects normative sentiments of the nation-state as a monocultural, equal-opportunity entity for all individuals, whereas group identity discrimination is viewed as an aberration rather than a structural practice. Hierarchical group rankings along the lines of race, gender, and religion, however, āare both worldwide and local, and ⦠have enormous consequences in the lives of people and in the operation of the capitalist world-economyā that result in local nationalized interpretations as to āwho would be considered ātrueā nationalsā (Wallerstein, 2004, p. 39). Hence, consistently denied by monocultural nationalists are pervasive racialized āsocieties in which economic, political, social, and ideological levels are partially structured by the placement of actors in racial categories or racesā (Bonilla-Silva, 2005, p. 11).
Since World War II the United States, along with the United Kingdom, has exported an educational model based on universalistic meritocratic assumptions that mask the realities of a political economy of racialized hierarchies globally. This imperial model ignores the demoralizing poverty perpetuated through the political role of international monetary organizations that negatively affect life opportunities for millions, including access to even elementary education in a political environment where tax bases for public services are sacrificed to prop up finance capital for the upper classes (Foster, 2007; Wroughton, 2008). Correspondingly, access to higher education internationally in the last quarter of the twentieth century witnessed an affirmative action rise and a corresponding twenty-first century retreat for historically subordinated people. Even where equitable access to higher education is a stated goal for a nation like Brazil, inadequate secondary education has limited the success of traditionally subordinated populations (Canen, 2005). Tomasevski (2003) explained that globally,
Furthermore, as demand for higher education increased internationally, public expenditures have declined relative to public funding (Gordon, 2007). Hence, as education entered international trade law as a commodity in the 1990s, access to higher education by low-income and poor students significantly decreased (Tomasevski, 2003).
Because the stateāand hence public primary, secondary, and higher educationā depends on significant revenues from corporate capitalism, state institutions behave accordingly through selections and exclusions, including ideological orientations, that can in turn service capital. This dependency on capital filters into universities and public schools through rules and regulations that influence and often set educational expectations that can be contrary to multiculturalism. In this climate, Mahalingam and McCarthy (2000) warn about āthe need to rescue the best intuitions in multiculturalism from a full-scale corruption and incorporation by the interests of global capitalismā (p. 6).
Placed within this international political and economic environment, this chapter uses teacher education as a key example of the contested nature of multiculturalism in higher education. First, an overview is presented of the disjunctive nature of teacher education programs that claim a vision of multiculturalism yet evidence practices absent of a critical perspective. Next examined for their effect on multiculturalism are higher education accreditation standards to which teacher education programs in the United States are expected to demonstrate an adherence. This analysis of accreditation standards focuses on the problematic construction of multicultural and social justice discourse. Following this is a case study of the response and resistance of a local state government and its teacher education institutions within the U.S. state of Washington to efforts to incorporate critical multiculturalism into their programs for preservice teachers. The chapter concludes with a discussion of promising critical multicultural perspectives and practices in teacher education.
Locating the Critical in Multicultural Teacher Education
Today, multicultural education in higher education is explicitly located within academic studies orientated toward prospective and current primary and secondary school teachers. As an interdisciplinary field of study, multicultural education draws from such disciplines as sociology, history, legal studies, economics, political science, social philosophy, social psychology, and communications studies. Within teacher preparation programs, multicultural education is often located programmatically under the umbrella of the social foundations of education and marginally, if at all, infused across the curriculum.
By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the growing consensus among internationally recognized multicultural scholars (see Vavrus, 2002, pp. 2ā6) was for an emancipatory conception of multicultural education as the best possibility to transform social relations and institutions in order to overcome discriminatory schooling and societal conditions. Sleeter and Bernal (2004) highlight how drawing from critical pedagogy, critical race theory, and antiracist education, a critical multiculturalism can āsteer the course of transforming education more stronglyā (p. 252). Yet, as Sleeter and Bernal aptly observe, this theoretical consensus for a critical multiculturalism should not be confused with actual higher education practices.
In effect, the response has generally been tepid to multicultural incorporation into teacher education programs. Overall, for the past 40 years teacher education in the United States has successfully managed multicultural expressions and commitments so that individualistic psychological and technical orientations remain the central curricular focus of these programs. In a comprehensive review of higher education programs, Cochran-Smith, Davis, and Fries (2004) poignantly observe:
Isolated praiseworthy programmatic and individual faculty efforts aside, the tendency in teacher education is to exclude social, economic, and political factors that affect student learning: āmany of the fundamental assumptions about the purposes of schooling and the meritocratic nature of American society that have long been implicitly in teacher education remain unchallenged and undermined by the other aspects of preparationā (p. 964). Faculty and programs who make multicultural commitments face a double bind in that this status quo orientation spills over even more dramatically from higher education to primary and secondary government-supported schools, the public spaces in which their graduates work.
This disjunctive condition between critical multicultural advocacy and higher educationās too-often status quo position should not be entirely surprising. The roots of critical multiculturalism developed from the ways in which critical theory āproblematizes the structures of history that embody who we are and have becomeā (Popkewitz, 1999, p. 3). Embedded within this critical perspective is the development of a critical consciousness cognizant of unjust social systems that can lead to a sense of agency where mainstream conditions are perceived as capable of being transformed (Freire, 1970). Clearly, critical multiculturalism can strike at the heart of hegemonic positions both inside and outside of higher education and faces, therefore, waves of opposition.
Higher Education Accreditation Standards
In the United States, higher education state and national accreditation standards serve to set multicultural and ādiversityā expectations and parameters along with a normative climate for teacher education. The following sections examine from a critical multicultural perspective the accreditation standards of the influential National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE) that determine āwhich schools, colleges, and departments of education meet rigorous national standards in preparing teachers and other school specialists for the classroomā (NCATE, 2008c). As of 2006, NCATE had accredited 632 institutions with another 100 colleges and universities in the process of seeking governmental approval for their teacher education programs (NCATE, 2006). Following this is a case study of a state of Washington effort to create a critical, performance-based pedagogical assessment instrument for preservice teachers in its 21 higher education institutions. Revealed in analyses of both of these cases is a resistance to naming a āmaster narrativeā (Huggins, 1991) that demands institutional incorporation of a history of European colonialism, white supremacy, and the implications of this history for the schooling and eventual economic and political opportunities for historically marginalized populations.
NCATEās Vague Multicultural Advocacy
By the use of the term diversity in the absence of any mention of multicultural, turn-of-the-century NCATE (2001) standards advanced an assimilationist assessment ideology upon state-level accrediting requirements that drive higher education teacher education practices. A critique of those standards and accompanying assessment rubrics revealed an absence of transformative knowledge grounded in historical foundations of white privilege, property rights, and color blindness (Vavrus, 2002). Seven years later NCATE (2008b) tinkered with diversity expectations that remain in effect until 2015.
Multicultural and Global Perspectives
Just one use of the term multicultural is found in the primary text of current NCATE higher education accreditation standards (2008b) by mentioning the importa...