Religion, Politics and International Relations
eBook - ePub

Religion, Politics and International Relations

Selected Essays

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  2. English
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eBook - ePub

Religion, Politics and International Relations

Selected Essays

About this book

A leading authority in the discipline, Jeffrey Haynes has contributed to many of the most significant debates in the fields of religion & politics and religion & international relations in the last twenty years. This book brings together many of his most influential essays, offering a comprehensive analysis of religious actors and their political goals.

In recent years, scholars have identified a range of religious actors with a variety of political goals. The aim of this collection is to identify and examine political activities of selected religious actors in both domestic and international contexts. The introductory chapter sets the scene for the collection, providing a clear understanding of why, how and when religious actors act politically both within and between countries. Over the course of 15 essays, Jeffrey Haynes presents a survey of the interaction of religion and politics, both domestically and internationally, in relation to a variety of issues, and draws the findings together in a new conclusion written for the volume.

This work will be of great interest to the growing number of scholars and students and practitioners internationally who work on religion and politics, in both domestic and international contexts.

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1
Introduction
In recent years, scholars have identified a range of religious actors with a variety of political goals. The purpose of this book is to identify and examine recent political activities of a range of selected religious actors in both domestic and international contexts. The book’s starting point is also an obvious fact: around the world, numerous religious actors now affect political outcomes in various ways. Both non-state and state religious actors – including, in relation to the first category, various Islamist groups and the Roman Catholic Church and, regarding the second, the government of Iran – have had significant political impacts in and between countries around the world.
This introductory chapter aims to set the scene for the collection: a wide ranging tour d’horizon of religious actors with political goals in both domestic and international contexts. The aim is to provide a clear understanding of why, how and when selected religious actors act politically both within and between countries. Overall, a key question on which the various contributions to the book focus is: Why, how and when do selected religious actors seek to influence political outcomes both domestically and internationally?
Recent decades have seen widespread involvement of religious actors in politics, especially but not exclusively in parts of the developing world. In this context, the book has twin foci: the relationship between religion and politics and the relationship between religion and international relations. This introductory chapter sets out the concerns of the book and is structured around the following themes. First, I define and discuss the concept of religion and examine its contemporary political and social salience. Second, I examine the notion of religious fundamentalism, not least because it is often associated with religious competition and conflict both within and between countries. Third, I survey examples of religious competition and conflict in the developing world in order to see what impact they have on political outcomes there. Fourth, I consider the extent to which, after 11 September 2001 – that is, the epochal day that the USA was attacked by al-Qaeda terrorists, resulting in the loss of nearly 3,000 lives – international relations has changed by focusing on the recent and current involvement of religion in world politics. In sum, the book examines the recent importance of both domestic and international political issues involving religion in various parts of the world.
Where did all this start? Why are we concerned with it? It seems quaint to think that three or four decades ago issues concerning religion and politics, and religion and international relations were noticeable by their absence in public and policy debates. Today, things are very different, with many issues relating to religion and politics, and religion and international relations in the public eye. Not least, we can note that today ‘quality’ – that is, ‘broadsheet’ – newspapers very often report stories, both from the UK and abroad, that highlight the importance of news stories characterized by the interaction of religious and political dimensions both at home and abroad. For example, regarding the latter, a recurring theme is widespread Islamic militancy or ‘fundamentalism’, particularly in the Arab Middle East. It sometimes seems that the entire region is polarized between Jews and Muslims – both over the status of holy sites claimed by the two sides and the political and economic position of the mostly Muslim Palestinians.
In Europe, on the other hand, many countries are now discussing the position of Muslims in what were in most cases until recently traditionally Christian environments. This underlines that it is not ‘only’ international relations that is consistently informed by debate about the public role(s) of Islam. It is also the case that many countries’ domestic politics, especially but not exclusively in the Middle East, have long been significantly informed by the interaction of religion and politics. For example, for a decade from the early 1990s Algeria endured a civil war between ‘Islamic fundamentalist’ or ‘Islamist’ rebels and the state. The roots of this conflict went back to a contested election and, more generally, highlight the often problematic political relationship between religious and secular actors in the Middle East. In December 1991 Algeria held legislative elections which most independent observers characterized as among the freest ever held in the Middle East. The following January, however, Algeria’s armed forces seized power to prevent what was likely to be a decisive victory in the elections by an Islamist party, the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS; English: Islamic Salvation Front). The assumption was that if the FIS achieved power it would then erode or dissolve Algeria’s newly refreshed democratic institutions. In London The Economist posed the question, ‘What is the point of an experiment in democracy if the first people it delivers to power are intent on dismantling it?’ (2 January 1992). The answer might well be: ‘This is the popular will, it must be respected – whatever the outcome.’ Instead, Algeria’s military leaders imposed their preference. The FIS was summarily banned, thousands of its supporters were incarcerated, and between 150,000 and 200,000 Algerians died in the subsequent civil war which only came to an end more than ten years later. Even now, nearly twenty years after the initial outburst of violence, Algeria still endures intermittent attacks from Islamist rebels, unhappy about the nature of the political system in the country.
It is worth noting at this point that there is no obvious reason why political Islam cannot compete for power democratically. Political Islam refers to a political movement with often diverse characteristics that at various times has included elements of many other political movements, while simultaneously adapting the religious views of Islamic fundamentalism or Islamism. In both the Palestinian authority and Iraq in recent years, as well as in Turkey, Islamic political parties have gained power either alone (Hamas in the Palestinian authority and the Justice and Development Party or AKP in Turkey) or as part of a ruling coalition (present-day Iraq, i.e. once the politicians have sorted out how to share power after a close and closely fought election in 2010). In all of these examples Islamic political actors were willing to play by the democratic rules of the game.
Elsewhere in the developing world, Islamists are also politically active. For example, in Africa, Nigeria sometimes appears politically polarized between Muslim and Christian forces, Somalia – a fragmented and failed state – may eventually have an Islamist government, while Sudan has also experienced long-running, not yet completed, political travails between Muslims and non-Muslims. In all these cases Islamists have not sought to use the ballot box to achieve power; but then again that particular option has not been available as a result of constitutional restrictions or constraints or wider political factors.
But it is not only Muslims who pursue political goals related to religion. For example, in officially secular India, growth in militant Hinduism was highlighted by, but not confined to an incident at the Babri Masjid mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, which saw a Hindu mob destroy an old Muslim mosque. This incident was instrumental in transforming the country’s political landscape. The mosque, according to militant Hindus, was built on the birthplace of the Hindu god of war, Rama. As long ago as 1950, the mosque was closed down by the Indian government, for militant Hindus wanted to build a Hindu temple there. Since then, Hindu militants or ‘fundamentalists’, whose primary political organization is the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have grown to political prominence. From 1996 to mid 2004, the BJP was the dominant party in three ruling coalition governments. Although at the current time (late 2010) political power is held by the secular Congress Party government it is likely that at some future stage the BJP will regain power, as it remains a political force to be reckoned with. In addition, in Israel, the country’s politics are heavily affected by what Jewish political parties do and say. Although they never acquire power on their own, such parties have been important players in Israel’s political system for decades. Finally, Christians have also been active politically in various parts of the world with variable political results. For example, the Roman Catholic church was a leading player in the turn to democracy in Latin America and elsewhere in the 1980s and 1990s, while in the USA the Christian Right has been an important social and political influence for decades. Overall, we can conclude that: (1) The last three or four decades have seen widespread involvement of religion in politics, especially in many countries in the developing world; (2) Several religious traditions have experienced increased political involvement; and (3) Religion and democracy do not always seem compatible, although religious actors from various religious persuasions have undoubtedly contributed to recent democratization in various parts of the world.
Religion and Politics
Before proceeding, it is necessary to define ‘religion’. Throughout the chapters of this book, religion has two analytically distinct, yet related meanings. In a spiritual sense, religion pertains in three ways to models of social and individual behaviour that help believers organize their everyday lives. First, it is to do with the idea of transcendence, that is, it relates to supernatural realities. Second, it is concerned with sacredness, that is, a system of language and practice that organizes the world in terms of what is deemed holy. Third, it refers to ultimacy: it relates people to the ultimate conditions of existence.
In another, material, sense, religious beliefs can motivate individuals and groups to act in pursuit of social or political goals. Very few – if any – religious groups have an absolute lack of concern for at least some social and political issues. Consequently, religion can be ‘a mobiliser of masses, a controller of mass action … an excuse for repression [or] an ideological basis for dissent’ (Calvert and Calvert 2001: 140). In many countries, religion remains an important source of basic value orientations; and this may well have social and/or political connotations.
A further point needs to be made regarding the relationship between religion and ethnicity, not least because they are often conflated. As several of the chapters in this book make plain, for example, Chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8, religion is a very common component of ethnic identity. For instance in India, Sikh ethnic identity is usually defined in terms of adherence to a common religion. It could seem then that ethnicity is the overarching concept and religious identification is one subtype. However, there are situations where people sharing a single religion are divided by ethnicity, as for example in Pakistan, Afghanistan or east Africa where people share a common Islamic faith but are ethnically divided on the basis of both region and language. Moreover, appeals to religion often seek to transcend particular local or ethnic identities in the name of a supposedly universal ideal. It is wisest, therefore, to see ethnicity and religion as terms whose potential meaning and content overlap but remain distinct.
But is there ‘more’ religion around now compared to the past? A few years ago, an American commentator, George Weigel, claimed that there is what he calls an ‘unsecularization of the world’, that is, a global religious revitalization.1 For Weigel, this is manifested in a worldwide resurgence of religious ideas and religion-influenced social movements that are not confined to one faith or a few countries. If Weigel is correct – and we should note that not all interested scholars agree with him – how can we explain this unexpected development? To start with, we need to note that no simple, clear-cut, one-size-fits-all, reason or theoretical explanation covers all cases. On the other hand, most scholars would accept that religious actors’ undoubtedly widespread social and/ or political activities are linked to the impact of modernization. I understand modernization as the prolonged period of historically unprecedented, diverse, massive change, characterized by urbanization, industrialization and influential technological developments that people around the world have experienced in recent times. Modernization appears not only to undermine traditional value systems but also to allocate opportunities – both within and between countries – in highly unequal ways. The result is that many people feel both disorientated and troubled and, as a result, some at least (re)turn to religion for solace and comfort. In doing so, many seek a new or renewed sense of identity, something to give their lives greater meaning and purpose.
A second, although linked, explanation for apparent religious resurgence moves away from the specific impact of modernization to point to a more generalized ‘atmosphere of crisis’ characteristic of the times in which we live. A key factor is said to be widespread popular disillusion with the abilities of political leaders to lead their countries in ways that appeal to the mass of ordinary people. Popular disappointment and disillusionment can easily feed into perceptions that these leaders hold power illegitimately – a sense bolstered when leaders resort to political oppression to gain or retain political power. Adding to the sense of crisis is widespread popular belief that society’s traditional morals and values are being seriously undermined by the corrosive effects of modernization – including, globalization and secularization – which has the effect of reducing or even removing religion’s influence from the public realm. These circumstances are said to provide a fertile milieu for many people’s ‘return’ to religion.
As a result, it seems likely that the influence of religion will not be seen ‘only’ in relation to personal issues. Above, we noted what might be called the political effects of the ‘return of religion’. Most countries now have highly politicized religious groups, institutions and movements that have emerged – or adopted a higher profile – in recent years. Such actors are found in many different faiths and sects and what they have in common is a desire to change domestic, and in some cases international, arrangements, so as to (re)instate religion as a central societal and political influence. They adopt a variety of tactics to achieve their goals. Some confine themselves to the realm of legitimate political protest, seeking reform or change via the ballot box; others may resort to violence and terror to pursue their objectives.
Some commentators are not convinced by the argument that there is a widespread, even global religious revival and revitalization. They contend instead that rather than a religious resurgence per se, what we are seeing is greater visibility today of politicized religion compared to the past. In other words, politicized religion is now more visible – largely as a consequence of the global communications revolution, a key component of a wider development: globalization. In other words, religion is not a novel political actor, so much as a stubbornly persistent one of which we are now more consistently aware than we were a few years ago. Thus, what has changed in recent times is growing awareness that there are increasing manifestations of political religion in and between many countries, and that they can make a difference to our lives. Such perceptions are no doubt increased by advances in communications technology and availability, an important component of globalization, which is itself a multifaceted process of change, significantly affecting not only governments but also communities and individuals. Religious actors are not of course exempted from globalization’s influence and some become skilled at using the media to spread their message. Academic and policy discussions of religion and globalization often highlight trends towards cultural pluralism2 partly as a result of globalization, examining how various religions respond to its impact. Some believers react ‘positively’, accepting or even endorsing pluralism, including some Christian and Muslim ecumenical movements. Others emphasize inter-religious differences, sometimes confronting non-believers in attempts to preserve their particular values from being eroded (further) by globalization. So-called religious fundamentalists – with examples drawn from, inter alia, the Christian, Muslim and Jewish faiths – can be noted in this regard.
But they are not sui generis. In the developing world, various religious traditions – including Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam – all experienced periods of pronounced political activity in the first half of the twentieth century in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. During the first half of the twentieth century, religion was frequently used in the service of anti-colonial nationalism, a major facet of emerging national identity as a key component of burgeoning indigenous opposition to alien rule. In various Muslim countries, such as Algeria, Egypt and Indonesia, Islamic consciousness was the defining ideology of nationalist movements during this time. In addition, immediately after the Second World War, in 1947, Pakistan traumatically emerged from India as a Muslim state, religiously and culturally distinct from Hindu-majority India. A decade later, Buddhism was politically important, inter alia, in Burma, Sri Lanka and Vietnam. In the 1960s in Latin America, both Christian democracy – the application of Christian precepts to politics – and liberation theology – a radical Christian ideology employing Jesus’ teachings as a basis of a demand for greater socio-economic justice for the poor – were politically consequential. Most recently, diverse countries, including Iran, the United States, and Nicaragua, have all seen political religion (re)appearing as an important political actor. Overall, we can note that recent and current manifestations of political religion should be seen in the context of a historical continuum of religion’s public and political involvement which stresses continuity rather than change.
Four points conclude this section. First, religion has spiritual, material and, in some cases political, aspects. Second, religion played an important political role in many developing countries during the last years of colonialism. Third, patchy modernization and/or a more generalized ‘atmosphere of crisis’ are said to underpin an extant ‘religious resurgence’. Fourth, while it is often claimed that there is a near-global religiou...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Half Title
  3. Title Page
  4. Copyright
  5. Contents
  6. List of illustrations
  7. Acknowledgements
  8. 1. Introduction
  9. 2. Religion, secularization and politics: a postmodern conspectus
  10. 3. Religious fundamentalism and politics
  11. 4. Religion and politics: what is the impact of September 11?
  12. 5. Religion and democratization in Africa
  13. 6. Religion, ethnicity and civil war in Africa: the cases of Uganda and Sudan
  14. 7. The political and social context of intercivilizational conflict and the possibilities of peace building
  15. 8. Conflict, conflict resolution and peace building: the role of religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia
  16. 9. Religion and international relations: what are the issues?
  17. 10. Religion and foreign policy making in the USA, India and Iran: towards a research agenda
  18. 11. Politics, identity and religious nationalism in Turkey: from Atatürk to the AKP
  19. 12. Transnational religious actors and international politics
  20. 13. Transnational religious actors and international order
  21. 14. Religion and a human rights culture in America
  22. 15. Al-Qaeda: ideology and action
  23. 16. Islamic militancy in East Africa
  24. 17. Conclusion
  25. Notes
  26. Bibliography
  27. Index