For all of us the task is to get that message across: that learning is for life; that we can renew our skills; that (learning) gives us greater security in employment; but it also equips our nations to be able to take on the scourge of unemployment; to be able to equip ourselves for competitiveness.
Governments have perceived an increased demand for training if the labor supply shows rapid growth, if employment grows quickly, or if unemployment increases significantly. They have called upon VET systems to help unemployed young people and older workers get jobs, to reduce the burden on higher education, to attract foreign investment, to ensure rapid growth of earnings and employment, to reduce the inequality of earnings between the rich and poor, and so on.
(Gill et al. 2000: 1)
Governments have responded by expanding the resources they put into vocational education and training, and reforming the ways in which it is planned, co-ordinated and implemented. Larger employers and corporations are responding by expanding their in-house training and workplace learning activities. Small and medium-sized businesses generally must rely on government-funded or commercial training opportunities. In many jurisdictions, commercial providers of training have increased their market share where publicly funded providers lack the capacity to respond quickly or precisely to rapidly changing demand.
Reform of VET systems or design of new ones has become a significant preoccupation of government and institutional policy makers alike. A primary challenge is to find ways to improve access to VET, particularly for those who are already in the workforce, are unemployed or seeking a first job, and/or are unable to participate in training opportunities because of financial, family or other constraints. A closely related challenge for policy makers and providers is to improve the quality of training to meet changing and rising demands for skilled and technical workers.
The search for effective methods of delivering training has intensified as the acquisition of knowledge, skills and competencies relevant to modernising and rapidly changing workplaces becomes a constant feature of labour-market and educational policies and business investment strategies. The philosophies, methods and technologies making up distance education are becoming central to government policy and institutional strategies for delivering training in the workplace as well as on campus or at home.
The purpose of this book is to report on how developing and indus-trialised countries are using distance-education methods and information technologies to provide vocational education and training for young people and adults. It is a book about policy choices and their outcomes, a review of contemporary aspirations and experience from which readers may draw conclusions to guide their own policy making and practice.
The book examines the nexus between VET and distance education at several levels of policy and practice: from trans-national programmes to national policy, and on to institutional and programme models that use distance-education methods and technologies to support VET. In order to do this, we have commissioned chapters and case studies that report on the features unique to each case, but also illuminate trends, problems and solutions that will resonate with educators and policy makers elsewhere. The diversity of the examples reinforces the view that vocational education and training is interpreted in a multiplicity of ways.
One area we have deliberately eschewed is that of teacher education ā a quintessentially vocational area of education. Instead we refer readers to Volume 3 in this series of World Reviews: Teacher Education through Open and Distance Learning, edited by Bernadette Robinson and Colin Latchem (RoutledgeFalmer 2002).
In this introductory chapter we are concerned with three questions:
- What is vocational education and training?
- Why is VET important, and to whom?
- How is VET organised, and where does distance education fit into the equation?
DEFINING VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING
In this book we use the term āvocational education and trainingā, or VET, to describe the acquisition of knowledge, skills and competences for job performance. VET is, however, an imprecise and problematic term. There is no universally understood meaning of āVETā such as there is of school education. Even a cursory examination of the literature shows significant variations around the world in how VET is defined, funded and delivered in national and institutional settings. Some analysis is warranted to set the context for the chapters and case studies that follow.
āVocational education and trainingā is the preferred appellation of bodies such as the World Bank and the European Union but is only one of several terms in common use. In countries such as South Africa and the United Kingdom, the phrase āfurther education and trainingā predominates. āTechnical and further educationā or TAFE is an Australian variant, while ātechnical and vocational education and trainingā is used in the Pacific. Elsewhere, terms such as ātechnical educationā and ātrainingā, or other combinations of the above terms, are common.
It is hard to pin down an explicit description of the field. The complexity of VET is well outlined by Descy and Tessaring in their report on vocational education and training in Europe:
ā¦(V)ocational education and training (VET) comprises all more or less organised or structured activities ā whether or not they lead to a recognised qualification ā which aim to provide people with knowledge, skills and competences that are necessary and sufficient in order to perform a job or set of jobs. Trainees in initial or continuing training thus undertake work preparation or adapt their skills to changing requirements. VET is independent of its venue, of the age or other characteristics of participants, and of their previous level of qualification. The content of VET could be job-specific, directed to a broader range of jobs or occupations, or a mixture of both; VET may also include general education elements.
(Descy and Tessaring 2001: 3)
WHY IS VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING IMPORTANT?
A recurring theme in this book is that VET occupies an increasingly central place in social and economic policy world-wide. It matters to individuals, employers and governments of every political persuasion, in societies both rich and poor. This is not surprising. Education per se is widely seen as a necessary precondition for economic growth within the knowledge-driven economies of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Although Wolf has recently questioned the link between it and economic growth (Wolf 2002: 24), there is a clear connection between education and private benefit as measured by the rate of return. As she concludes, for individuals āāGet educated, get richerā seems like sound adviceā (Wolf 2002: 21). Moreover, in some countries (notably the United States and the United Kingdom), wage differentials between the educated and the under-educated are widening. Rational teenagers and their parents know that without a qualification, an individual is increasingly unlikely to be considered for a job, whatever the qualifications actually (as opposed to formally) required to do it (Wolf 2002: 177).
Our first conclusion, then, is that education matters to individuals. As long as individuals (and their parents) understand that educational qualifications matter when it comes to securing any, let alone well-paid, employment, there will be a continuing demand for education. It is not, therefore, surprising that public rhetoric also stresses the value of education to individuals and society.
The next question is: What kind of education is most important? The first pre-requisite is the possession of basic academic skills. As Wolf comments, āPoor literacy and numeracy ā especially the latter ā have a devastating effect on peopleās chances of well-paid and stable employmentā (Wolf 2002: 34). At the other end of the spectrum, there is a clear pay-back from the possession of higher-level qualifications, although at the top end of the qualifications scale, the wage-premium enjoyed by graduates varies depending upon the subject studied. In between is a vast array of qualifications more or less directly tied to vocational outcomes.
At the public-policy level there has been a significant shift in thinking over the last 30 years as policy makers and politicians have come to argue that the real purpose of education is to prepare people for the world of work, and to promote economic growth. In this context it is increasingly argued that spending on education needs to be properly targeted to develop the skills and knowledge that modern economies require.
The competency-based qualification movement ā especially evident in the United Kingdom and Australia ā has been a forceful response to the desire to link VET tightly to job performance. In Australia, notwithstanding some difficult teething problems, the competency-based system of training packages is now an integral part of a nationally consistent qualifications framework and quality-assurance system, and this is also true of the UK where it is increasingly employer led. However, Wolf believes that in the UK the National Vocational Qualifications system has largely failed because young people and their parents have recognised that highly specific, narrowly defined, competence-based qualifications are no qualification in a labour market that demands flexibility above all else (Wolf 2002: 85). The issue of certification and its value to the various stakeholders is taken up by several contributors to this book, including Rennie (Chapter 11) and Ryan (Chapter 10).
One conclusion that we take from this discussion is that the credibility and status of the qualifications offered through vocational education and training matter a great deal. They may well be more important than the means of delivery adopted. Those who consume education and training ā vocational or otherwise ā are careful not to waste their time and money on meaningless qualifications, and on qualifications that, however relevant to what they are doing now, may lose their relevance as they change jobs and careers within an increasingly flexible labour market.
It is curious, then, that VET nevertheless remains a relatively invisible poor relation in the eyes of many policy makers and educators. Moodie (2001) argues that vocational education is traditionally defined by reference to the occupational level of its graduates, and that this in turn is related to class. Thus, while in practice vocational education comprises both trade and technician qualifications and professional and post-professional qualifications, it is typically equated with the former as a lower-status form of education.
Where this happens, the invisibility and lower status accorded to training can compound the challenges for governments of providing vocational education as, where, and when it is most needed. As Kennedy remarks about the British system:
Despite the formidable role played by further education, it is the least understood and celebrated part of the learning tapestry. Further education suffers because of prevailing British attitudes ⦠There remains a very carefully calibrated hierarchy of worthwhile achievement, which has clearly established routes and which privileges academic success well above any other accomplishment.
(Kennedy 1997: 1)
In the nineteenth century, technical education was viewed as āthe training of the hand rather than an education of the mindā (Moodie 2001: 3). This distinction threaded through a century of debate about the differences between a āliberalā and a utilitarian or vocational education, and is still evident today in the separation of theory (higher status) from practice (lower status). It is evident that many universities have been able to take advantage of this hierarchy of achievement so that today they are multilevel institutions confidently providing both vocational and liberal education. However, there is also evidence among educators of a certain unease about incorporating lower (especially sub-degree) levels of training into a university curriculum. Some seek to resolve this by creating separate organisational structures (the universityācollege nexus), which inevitably develop their own cultures and values that may be hard to bridge (Schofield 1998). Others have preferred to elevate courses concerned primarily with skills...