Cultural Variation in Conflict Resolution

Alternatives To Violence

Douglas P. Fry, Kaj Bj"rkqvist, Kaj Bjorkqvist, Douglas P. Fry, Kaj Bj"rkqvist, Kaj Bjorkqvist, Kaj Bj”rkqvist

• Publisher: Psychology Press
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN: 9780805822212
• eBook ISBN: 9781135808839
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: History & Theory in Psychology
• Index: Psychology

This volume's central purpose is to provide a clearly written, scholarly exploration of cultural variation regarding conflict resolution and in so doing, highlight certain alternatives to violence. It presents an interdisciplinary examination of how conflicts are perceived and handled in a variety of cultural settings. Drawing on data and models from anthropology, psychology, and political science, the chapters analyze conflict resolution across the societal spectrum, including cases from Western and non-Western traditions, complex and tribal societies, and violent and non-violent cultures. While demonstrating the extremely important impact of culture on conflict resolution processes, the book does not solely emphasize cultural specificity. Rather--through introductory chapters, section introductions, and a concluding chapter--the volume editors draw attention to cross-cultural patterns in an attempt to further the search for more general conflict principles.

An explicit message throughout the book is that alternatives to violence exist. The volume demonstrates that at various levels--from the interpersonal to the international-- conflicts can be handled in ways that cause far less pain and destruction than violence. Chapters by psychologists discuss social and cognitive processes for facilitating the learning of alternatives to violence among children and youth. Anthropology contributors explore mechanisms for dealing with social conflict which allow some cultures to remain relatively peaceful and consider implications of their work for reducing violence in other societies. Chapters by former President of Costa Rica, Oscar Arias, and by political scientists examine how non-violent political solutions can be employed as alternatives to warfare and violent resistence.

Part I

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Introduction and Theoretical Considerations

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Chapters in this section provide complementary opening perspectives for the volume. In chapter 1, Fry and Björkqvist present three primary themes, manifestations of which run through many subsequent chapters. Fry and Björkqvist elaborate upon the themes that 1) a diversity of possible approaches to conflict exist, and thus a variety of alternatives to violence also exist, 2) conflict and conflict resolution are cultural phenomena, and 3) general cross-cultural conflict principles may be identified and applied. They next briefly describe the plan of the book.

In chapter 2, Fry and Fry at first examine two conflict models (i.e., Black, 1993; Rubin, Pruitt & Kim, 1994) that they suggest may facilitate cross-cultural comparisons and the development of nomothetic conflict theory. They review the four conflict strategies advanced by Rubin et al. (1994): contending, problem solving, avoidance, and yielding. This strategic model can be used in the analysis of conflict within a given culture and in making comparisons regarding the prevalence of particular strategies in different cultures. Fry and Fry also see Rubin et al.’s (1994) definition of conflict—“perceived divergence of interests”—as being useful across cultural settings. The second theoretical work discussed by Fry and Fry is Black’s (1993) model of social control. Black provides a holistic classification of conflict and its management according to form and style. Black also provides a series of testable propositions—for example, a model relating third-party roles to social distance and level of authoritativeness. References to both Rubin et al.’s (1994) and Black’s (1993) conflict models occur throughout this volume (see especially chapters by Klicperová et al. and Landau, but also Cook, McCormick, Meyer, and Olson).

In the second part of their chapter, Fry and Fry begin to address the book’s “alternatives to violence” theme. They focus their discussion on four topical areas relevant to reducing violence: human flexibility and the conflict-resolution options this permits, socialization and resocialization potentials, new and redesigned systems and institutions for conflict resolution, and the importance of world views and attitudes towards conflict.

In chapter 3, Björkqvist continues the introductory process by reviewing various conceptualizations of aggression, violence, and conflict. Björkqvist emphasizes that whereas anger may be a universal human emotion, it does not always lead to aggression. Likewise, feelings of frustration do not invariably result in aggression. Furthermore, aggression is certainly not a drive analogous to drives for sex, hunger, or thirst. Overall, Björkqvist emphasizes that many different options exist for dealing with anger, frustration, and conflict besides resorting to aggression.

Björkqvist notes that many scientists, in fact, the majority of authors writing on this subject suggest it is incorrect to regard warfare as an inevitable consequence of human nature; it is a popular myth, which easily becomes self-fulfilling. He makes reference to the Seville Statement on Violence, a 1986 declaration by a group of scientists from different disciplines, and subsequently endorsed by numerous scientific organizations, that warfare cannot be attributed to violent genes, a violent brain, and so on.

REFERENCES

Black, D, (1993). The social structure of right and wrong. San Diego: Academic.

Rubin, J. Z., Pruitt, D. G., & Kim, S. H. (1994). Social conflict: Escalation, stalemate and settlement (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

1

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Introduction: Conflict-Resolution Themes

Douglas P. Fry
Eckerd College

Kaj Björkqvist
Åbo Akademi University

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This chapter provides an overall introduction to the book. The book has three overarching themes. In the first part of the chapter, each theme is introduced and the underlying rationale discussed. The themes are, 1) alternatives to violence exist, 2) conflict and conflict resolution are cultural phenomena, and 3) cross-cultural conflict principles can be identified and applied. In the second part of the chapter, the plan of the book is presented.

—The Editors

The three major themes of the book that were mentioned in the preface now receive some elaboration. We propose that one reason for making the first theme explicit—that alternatives to violence exist—is because of the prevalence of beliefs in Western culture that human nature is violent and that warfare is inevitable (Adams & Bosch, 1987; Fry & Welch, 1992; also see chapter 3, this volume). If such beliefs were true, we would expect to find violence and warfare in all cultures, but cross-cultural comparisons show that this is not the case. First, people in some societies live their lives nonviolently (cf. Dentan, 1968; Fabbro, 1978; Howell & Willis, 1989; Montagu, 1978; Sponsel & Gregor, 1994; also see chapters 5 and 6, this volume). Cultures with little physical aggression can be found throughout the globe and include the Buid of the Philippines, the Chewong of Malaysia, the Copper Eskimo of Canada, the Hutterites of Canada and the United States, the Mbuti of central Africa, the Piaroa of Amazonia, the Semai of Malaysia, the Siriono of Bolivia, the Tikopia of the western Pacific, the Toraja of Indonesia, the Veddahs of Sri Lanka, the Yames of Orched Island near Taiwan, and certain Zapotec communities of Mexico, among others. Second, warfare is not practiced by all cultures, being absent among numerous peoples including, for example, the Andaman Islanders, Arunta, Arapesh, Birhor, Buid, Hadza, !Kung, Mission Indians, Punan, Semai, Semang, Todas, Yahgan, and various other societies (Lesser, 1967; Montagu, 1978, 1994, p. xii). It is also noteworthy that in 1948, Costa Rica abolished its military forces as a bold step away from the institution of war (see chapters 14 and 15, this volume). Thus, humans do not always and everywhere engage in warfare.

The cross-cultural variation in levels and forms of violence as well as the demonstrated ability of humans to form new institutions and to give up old ones suggest that human nature and social systems are flexible. Warfare is not inevitable, and conflicts do not everywhere and always erupt in violence (see chapters 2 and 3, this volume). There are various ways of handling conflict, such as through nonviolent protest, democratic elections, symbolic strikes, boycotts, appeal to courts or arbitration boards, grievance hearings, direct bipartisan negotiation, mediator-assisted negotiation, discussion and problem solving with or without the assistance of a conciliator or mediator, family and marriage counseling, psychotherapy, and so on.

A second theme reflected throughout this volume is that conflict resolution is a cultural phenomenon. Ross (1993, p. 19) coined the term culture of conflict, which reflects “a society’s relevant norms, practices, and institutions” regarding conflict, which provides a framework for people’s perception of conflict. Scripts that persons may follow for conflict resolution are accordingly defined within a given culture of conflict. Similarly, Avruch (1991, p. 11) talks of the culture of conflict resolution, emphasizing that conflicts and their resolution are “cultural events” (also see Lederach, 1991). This idea of conflict resolution as a cultural phenomenon could be illustrated for any culture, but here we consider examples from cultures that value peacefulness in interpersonal relations. Dentan (1968) wrote of the Semai of Malaysia: “They seem to have worked out ways of handling human violence that technologically more ‘advanced’ people might envy.” Robarchek (1990, p. 67), who also studied the Semai, explained that in that culture, “People come to evaluate themselves largely in terms of these cultural values which thus become incorporated as components of individual self-images, developed and maintained by the continuing feedback of daily interaction…. Ideals of generosity, friendliness, and nonaggressiveness, largely realized in the behavior of most people, constitute central components of individuals’ self-images as well” (p. 68). Likewise, studies on the Xingu of Amazonia illustrate how psychological images related to violence and peacefulness are dependent upon cultural beliefs. Gregor (1990, 1994) discussed how the Xingu image of what is “good” is linked to peacefulness psychoculturally, in terms of which emotions and actions are valued as appropriate and which are not. “The good man is circumscribed in his behavior, he avoids confrontations, and he rarely shows anger” (Gregor, 1990, p. 110).

Many chapters in this volume (e.g., 4, 7, 8, 12, 16, and 19) also illustrate the influences of culture on conflict resolution processes. Some chapters (e.g., 2, 5, 6, 8, 18, and 19, this volume) specifically describe how conflict beliefs, attitudes, and scripts of behavior are internalized by individuals within particular cultural settings and strengthened through culturally-based norms and institutions (also see Briggs, 1994; Fry, 1992, 1993, 1994). Other chapters focus on political culture in relation to conflict resolution (e.g., 9, 15, and 16, this volume) or examine historical and ethnic dimensions of culture vis-à-vis conflict resolution (e.g., 4, 10, 11, and 13, this volume).

An important implication of this second theme—with its emphasis on cultural influences—is that one should exercise caution when attempting to apply conflict-resolution techniques across cultural settings. Avruch (1991, p. 2), for example, related the frustration of a conflict-resolution workshop attendee with processes such as “producing manuals for resolving conflicts in easy steps” that are insensitive to cultural differences. Lederach (1991, p. 184) recommended that conflict resolvers, attempting to mediate within a culture different from their own, need to be both flexible and sensitive to avoid acting like the proverbial bull in a china shop: “Personal experience suggests we should recognize that our premises and assumptions about conflict process are not necessarily shared by those who we are attempting to help, and that we may, inadvertently, break a lot of china in our attempts to find the aisles.”

With this caution in mind, we nonetheless propose the third theme: Through studying conflict resolution from different cultural settings, it will be possible to enhance the repertoire of alternatives to violence and discover general conflict-resolution principles. The idea is not to construct a manual with conflict-resolution steps, but rather to expand the number of options to consider in approaching conflict, and to search for general principles that may contribute to conflict-resolution models and theories. Thus, while we are cautious about pulling conflict-resolution “tidbits” from a specific cultural caldron within which they acquire meaning as part of the cultural whole, if conflict-resolution theory and praxis are going to move forward, we suggest that paying particular attention to recurring cultural patterns and isolating underlying principles are essential (e.g., Ross, 1993).

This book is organized into six topical sections, each with a short section introduction wherein the editors offer integrative comments and highlight particular issues related to the section. In Part I, the three introductory chapters raise theoretical issues related to conflict and its resolution, review models and typologies, and introduce issues to be addressed in the book. In Part II, Cultural Influences on Conflict Resolution, five chapters consider cultural phenomena including nonviolence, world view, formal and informal social control, patterns of avoidance, redundancy of conflict-management mechanisms, social networks and community influences on conflict-resolution. Societies considered in this section include the Semai of Malaysia, the Toraja of Indonesia, native Margariteño Islanders of Venezuela, Tongan Islanders of the South Pacific; furthermore, Eastern and Western cosmologies of conflict are considered as well.

The five chapters in Part III, The Challenge of Resolving Ethnic Conflict, continue the investigation of cultural phenomena vis-a-vis conflict, but more particularly they share a focus on ethnic relations and intergroup conflict. Case studies and analyses are drawn from Sri Lanka, Mozambique, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and African Americans and Jews of New York. Chapters in Part IV, Conflict Resolution as an Alternative to War, discuss political aspects of conflict and its resolution. In the first of three chapters, Oscar Arias, former President of Costa Rica and recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for his leading role in bringing peace to Central America, shares his perspectives on this peace process. The other two chapters in this section examine cooperation, nonviolence, and democracy as aspects of political culture that lead toward peace, by presenting data and analyses on Latin America and the Czechoslovakian “Velvet Revolution.”

The three chapters in Part V, Socialization for Conflict Resolution, consider developmental and socialization influences on conflict behavior, and present findings from Finland, Italy, Israel, Norway, Poland, and the United States. One chapter examines sex differences and developmental patterns, whereas the other two chapters focus on preventing and mitigating aggression among youth. The sixth and concluding section of the book contains a conversation with Nobel Peace Prize laureate Elie Wiesel on conflict-resolution and related issues facing humanity today. A concluding chapter by the editors considers some theoretical and practical implications of the research reported in this volume.

We hope the reader will find this volume rife with insights about the nature of conflict-resolution processes, some of which may be applied creatively in a variety of social settings to reduce violence. In the concluding chapter, we will return to this issue and consider the following questions: What lessons can we extract from the various chapters for reducing violence? What do these chapters suggest in terms of more general conflict resolution principles?

REFERENCES

Adams, D., & Bosch, S. (1987). The myth that war is intrinsic to human nature discourages action for peace by young people. In J.M. Ramirez, R. A. Hinde, &J. Groebel (Eds.), Essays on violence. Series on psychobiology (Vol. 3, pp. 121–137). Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla.

Avruch, K. (1991). Introduction: Culture and conflict-resolution. In K. Avruch, P. W. Black, & J. A. Scimecca (Eds.), Conflict resolution: Cross cultural perspectives (pp. 1–17). Westport, CT: Greenwood.

Briggs, J. L. (1994). “Why don’t you kill your baby brother?”: The dynamics of peace in Canadian Inuit camps. In L. E. Sponsel & T. Gregor (Eds.), The anthropology of peace and nonviolence (pp. 1...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Halftitle
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Foreword
• Preface
• Contributors
• Part I: Introduction and Theoretical Considerations
• Part II: Cultural Influences and Conflict Resolution
• Part III: The Challenge of Resolving Ethnic Conflict
• Part IV: Conflict Resolution as an Alternative to War
• Part V: Socialization for Conflict Resolution
• Part VI: Conclusions
• Author Index
• Subject Index