Before you lies cyberspace with its teeming communities and the interlaced ramification of its creations, as if all of humankindâs memory were deployed in the moment: an immense act of synchronous collective intelligence, converging on the present, a silent bolt of lightning, diverging, an exploding crown of neurons.
(Pierre LĂ©vy, 1997, p. 236)
In 2006, the MacArthur Foundation launched a $50 million initiative exploring the ways digital media were transforming the lives of young people. As part of this project, a research team headed by Henry Jenkins (2006) mapped the rise of âparticipatory cultureâ in contemporary society. In Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century, Jenkins and his colleagues explain that participatory cultures are characterized by ârelatively low barriers to artistic expression and civic engagement, strong support for creating and sharing oneâs creations, and some type of information mentorship whereby what is known by the most experienced is passed along to novicesâ (p. 7). âA participatory culture,â they add, âis also one in which members believe their contributions matter, and feel some degree of social connections with one another (at least they care what other people think about what they have created)â (p. 7).
One only need visit a local coffee shop or public library to see that people of all ages and backgrounds are increasingly active and engaged in participatory networks. Citizens around the world create and distribute messages via online and interpersonal networks at a rapid and ever-accelerating rate. Armed with inexpensive tools for capturing, editing, and organizing, people tap into a vast ocean of real-time data and multimedia content to promote personal and political interests. Functions once monopolized by a handful of hierarchical institutions (e.g. newspapers, television stations, and universities) have been usurped by independent publishers, video-sharing sites, collaboratively sustained knowledge banks, and fan-generated entertainment.
To date, communication scholars and media literacy educators have focused primarily on the implications of participatory creative cultures, but this is just one aspect of a much larger cultural movement. Our world is being transformed by participatory knowledge cultures in which people work together to collectively classify, organize, and build informationâa phenomenon that the philosopher Pierre LĂ©vy characterizes as the emergence of collective intelligence. In our daily life, we engage with this form of participatory culture each time we seek guidance from collaboratively updated websites that review books, restaurants, physicians, and college professors. Participatory knowledge cultures flourish on the Internet each time we exchange advice on programming, cooking, graphic design, statistical analysis, or writing style. These knowledge cultures have become an integral part of our lives; they function as prosthetic extensions of our nervous system and we often feel crippled when our access to these networks is curtailed. It is hard to believe that, for most of recorded history, human beings were unable to instantly find answers to questions such as âHow long can I safely store cooked chicken in the refrigeratorâ or âWhat should I do about a second-degree burn?â
We are also witnessing the accelerated growth of participatory economic and political cultures. According to Yochai Benkler (2006)âformer co-director of Harvardâs Berkman Center for Internet and Societyâcooperative actions âcarried out through radically distributed, nonmarket mechanisms that do not depend on proprietary strategiesâ are radically transforming the information economy (p. 3). Citizen journalists collect and share information to report on news affecting their local communities. Dissidents use distributed communication technologies to organize political opposition in repressive regimes. Humanitarian workers and activists around the globe use geomapping technologies to monitor elections, coordinate relief efforts, and identify looming environmental disasters. Proponents of information transparency have used websites such as WikiLeaks to disseminate formerly secret documents, sparking riots and toppling governments in the process.
These phenomena generate important questions. As individuals, have we lost the right to keep our personal lives and political opinions secret? What happens to anonymity and privacy in an age of ubiquitous connection? What about intellectual property laws that inhibit our ability to access and communicate within these networks? Is it possible that the illusion of participation in this brave new world cloaks fundamental passivity? What if people donât want to participate? Where is the checkbox that allows us to opt out?
Four Phases of Participatory Culture
Academics often think in terms of disciplinary boundaries, but participatory-culture studies are more properly thought of as an emergent, interdisciplinary project. As early tremors rippled across our global media and technology landscapes, scholars across disciplines noticed common patterns and began referencing each otherâs work. In fact, some of the most useful research on this topic never uses the phrase âparticipatory culture.â For decades, researchers have been writing about contribution, collaboration, and collective knowledge. In an attempt to get a handle on recent scholarship that provides the foundation for this collection, we suggest that participatory culture studies can be divided into four distinct phases.
Phase One. Emergence (1985â1993)
During the second half of the 1980s, our global communication landscape was already beginning to manifest signs of impending transformation. Personal computers had found their way into the living rooms and offices of ordinary citizens, and networking these machines with one another was the next logical step. ARPANET (the precursor to the civilian Internet) grew exponentially on college campuses and military institutions, and virtual communities emerged in dial-up bulletin board systems (BBS), the Whole Earth âLectronic Link, and FidoNet. College radio stations, mix tapes, and independent record labels intersected with the underground music scene. Meanwhile, the advent of laser printers and page layout software put small-scale publishing in the hands of ordinary citizens, accelerating the growth of a vibrant zine subculture.
As these changes unfolded, a growing body of academic research challenged the traditional view of citizens and media audiences as largely passive. In the influential Television Culture (1987), John Fiske argued that television viewing audiences regularly resisted, subverted, and recoded the meanings of popular entertainment programsâa process he termed âsemiotic democracy.â Within Fiskeâs vision, âindividuals can become both producers and creators, able to reinscribe and recode existing representationsâ in a public domain that invites everyone to participate âequally in the ongoing process of cultural productionâ (Katyal, 2006, p. 3). A similar vision of active audiences was articulated by a promising young scholar named Henry Jenkinsâa graduate student who worked with Fiske. Analyzing the behaviors of mostly female Star Trek fan fiction writers, Jenkins (1988) argued that these women should be thought of as âtextual poachersâ who reshape the meanings of cultural products to serve their own needs. Deepening these arguments in his book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (1992), he became one of the most recognizable thinkers associated with fan culture studies. However, as Jenkins is quick to point out, he was part of a larger movement that included Ien Angâs (1985)Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination, Janice Radwayâs (1984)Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy, and Popular Literature, and Camille Bacon-Smithâs (1991)Enterprising Women: Television Fandom and the Creation of Popular Myth.
Meanwhile, journalists, scholars, and science fiction writers were taking note of the nascent computer subculture. Anticipating themes that would emerge in subsequent definitions of participatory culture, Steven Levyâs Hackers: Heroes of the Computer Revolution (1984) argued that computer hobbyists and the technology industry itself were influenced by a âhacker ethicâ that celebrated access to technology, the free flow of information, decentralized networks, creative expression, and self-actualization. Howard Rheingoldâa technology writer and cultural critic who participated actively in the Whole Earth âLectronic Linkâcoined the term âvirtual communityâ in a 1993 book of the same name that explained on-line computer networks to a general audience. In 1987, Microsoft Press published an updated version of Ted Nelsonâs Computer Lib/Dream Machinesâa ground-breaking manifesto dedicated to the radical proposition that everyone is capable of understanding how to program their own computers.
Phase Two. Waking up to the Web (1994â1998)
Twenty-five years after the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency began networking mainframe computers and military researchers, the American public began paying attention to what TIME magazine referred to as âthe strange new world of the Internet.â No longer shackled by a clumsy text interface, the advent of graphical web browsers such as Mosaic made it possible for people to easily search the Internet and create their own web pages. Netscape was the most well-known of the new web browsers, and the companyâs initial public stock offering was wildly successful, kick-starting a speculative technology bubble (the âdot-com bubbleâ) that lasted five years. These transformative years witnessed the birth of the Internet Movie Database (1993), Yahoo (1994), web-based electronic mail (1994), the Linux operating system (1994), Amazon (1994), streaming audio (1995), Craigslist (1995), eBay (1995), and Google (1996).
The scope and speed of these transformations in our media landscape captured the attention of scholars across disciplines. Working at a macroscopic level, the sociologist Manuel Castells mapped the rapidly changing global infrastructure in The Rise of the Network Society (1996), The Power of Identity (1997), and End of the Millennium (1998). His core messageâthe notion that decentralized participatory networks were transforming the ways we work, learn, and playâwas indirectly supported by a series of more locally focused case studies. Stephen Duncombeâs (1997)Notes from Underground: Zines and the Politics of Alternative Culture argued that emerging networks of amateur publishers represented a âcrack in the seemingly impenetrable wall of the systemâ and could be interpreted as âa culture spawning the next wave of meaningful resistanceâ (p. 3). Nancy Baym (1985) appropriated ethnographic research methods from the field of anthropology to document the norms, behaviors, and conversational themes of soap opera fans who posted in Usenet forums. In Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet (1995) the psychologist Sherry Turkle investigated the interactions of gamers in text-based virtual worlds, suggesting that these spaces could be used as tools for identity experimentation and personal growth. These seemingly disparate case studies were united by their authorsâ bold insistence that seemingly frivolous social networks were worthy of serious scholarly analysis. Duncombe, Baym, and Turkle demonstrated that the practices and cultural expressions of these amateur publishers, soap opera fans, and computer gamers were both interesting and important. If the first wave of researchers had unlocked the door to participatory culture studies, this second wave kicked the door off its hinges entirely.
Phase Three. Push-button Publishing (1999â2004)
Although it is relatively easy to create web pages with HTML, the mystique surrounding computer programming frightened many people away from creating their own web sites. The advent of user-friendly web publishing systems such as Blogger (1999), LiveJournal (1999), and Xanga (2000) almost completely obliterated remaining barriers to entry, increasing the number of potential participants by several orders of magnitude. During these transitional years, we witnessed the emergence of Napster (1999), the game EverQuest (1999), the iPod (2001), the BitTorrent protocol (2001), the social virtual world Second Life (2003), MySpace (2003), Flickr (2004), Yelp (2004), and Facebook (2004). Though some of these platforms have already crumbled or mutated beyond recognition, each represented a significant step forward in the ability of citizens to share, annotate, publish, and remix digital information.
On the academic front, there were two noticeable strands of research on participatory culture during this phase. The first strand was composed of mostly qualitative case studies. Shifting attitudes about what constituted legitimate research topics, combined with increasingly refined tools and methodologies for studying on-line communities, generated a tsunami of fandom studies on topics ranging from Buffy the Vampire Slayer (Hill & Calcutt, 2001) and Doctor Who (McKee, 2001) to Hello Kitty (McVeigh, 2000) and Pokemon (Willett, 2004). A second strand explored macroscopic patterns, interconnections, and technological underpinnings of participatory culture. In the English translation of Collective Intelligence: Mankindâs Emerging World in Cyberspace (1999), the Canadian philosopher Pierre LĂ©vy identified the existence of a âuniversally distributed intelligence, constantly enhanced, coordinated in real time, and resulting in the effective mobilization of skillsâ (p. 13). Pointing out that âno one knows everythingâ and âeveryone knows something,â LĂ©vy argued that it was now possible to create democratic political structures in which people could participate directly as unique individuals rather than as members of an undifferentiated mass. Howard Rheingold drew similar conclusions in Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution (2002), predicting that âlarge numbers of small groups, using the new media to their individual benefit, will...