Beyond the Team
eBook - ePub

Beyond the Team

  1. 160 pages
  2. English
  3. ePUB (mobile friendly)
  4. Available on iOS & Android
eBook - ePub

Beyond the Team

About this book

An internationally renowned author offers an overview of how people and jobs can best be connected in a new era. 'Beyond the Team' draws on Meredith Belbin's extensive work with organizations worldwide to give further insights into the workings of teams and groups. The modern job needs to be actively interpreted and constantly revised in terms of the balance between a team role, a work role and a professional role. The increasingly complex demands of modern jobs can be aided by a colour system as tested in international trials. A colour based top down, bottom up form of communication creates sensitive feedback with a special value where members of a workforce do not share common language. The socially complex nature of communication about work in a new era offers parallels with the intricacies of the social insect world. Information technology is extending human networking with the potential of creating a form of organization closer to what can be achieved in superorganisms. 'Beyond the Team' shows how eventually, the mature team can learn to distribute work between its own members by giving a comprehensive understanding of how to manage both team roles and work roles.

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Yes, you can access Beyond the Team by R Meredith Belbin in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Negocios y empresa & Negocios en general. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.

Information

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1

The impact of team roles

Small human units can often work conspicuously well. Here it seems a positive sign that surveys of managerial opinion indicate that teamwork is foremost among the matters that will demand attention from management in future years. It is already becoming plain that people in business and in the public services are spending more and more of their time locked in discussions and in meetings. Given this situation, the clear need is to make teamwork and other group activity more effective.
This subject has received due attention from my previous books - Management Teams: Why They Succeed or Fail and the later Team Roles at Work. It has also gained the attention of a number of other writers including, and notably, Katzenbatch in The Wisdom of Teams. Teamwork should supposedly cover the components of the composite word - teams and work. In practice, however, the literature has focused more on the teams than on the work. Here I must plead guilty myself.
This present book attempts to remedy this shortcoming by shifting the focus on to the work to be performed. How is that work communicated? How does the nature of the work affect the social arrangements that are made for its execution?
In a very small team, or more especially when two people are working closely together, the focus falls more on the individuals and their working relationships than on the work itself, for effectiveness in performing the work is closely related to how they get on with one another. That is the simple position. And the simple position may serve as a good starting-point. It seems sensible therefore to begin where I left off at an earlier stage in my studies and to present, as concisely as possible, a resume on the principal findings concerning the forces that affect how teams function.
The fundamentals of team roles emerged after a long period of research. No theory of team roles of which I am aware had been in existence before the outcome of the experimentation at Henley Management College, conducted in conjunction with the Industrial Training Research Unit at Cambridge. The original purpose of that experimentation was practical rather than theoretical. Urgent questions were being posed. How was it that some teams composed on supposedly similar lines, and given the same brief, performed so much better than others? An answer was seen as likely to help the College put together syndicates that would make the best use of their learning opportunities.
The experimental situation made provision for members of syndicates to take a battery of psychometric tests. On the basis of these person-inputs various combinations of people were tried out in companies constructed to compete in a management game. The outputs of their collective endeavours could be represented in financial terms. Hence one company could be fairly described in its operations as more effective than another. The reasons for the relative success or failure of companies were elucidated by the appointment of trained observers. A recording system operated by the observers allowed the contributions that each member made to be measured both in terms of the particular category to which it belonged and in terms of the number of contributions that fell into each category. The observers also added a qualitative report, which allowed them to comment on what they saw as the most important factors underlying the performance of the team.
The collection and analysis of this material eventually allowed a number of hypotheses to be developed. These eventually became predictors. The rank order of finishing between the companies on the basis of their financial performance was forecast on the Monday, when the exercise started, and as soon as the identity of the chairman elected by the team was known, put into a sealed envelope and delivered into the custody of the secretary of the exercise. The envelope was then opened on the Friday, when the exercise concluded, and the result compared with the forecast.
The fact that a forecast could be offered with some measure of success bore testimony to the progress made in grasping the nature of the processes underlying effective teamwork. The main basis of these forecasts lay in the pattern of contributions found to characterize the dynamics of a team and which could be estimated if enough was known about the individuals themselves. There are only a limited number of ways in which people can usefully contribute in executive teamwork; that is what the research revealed. And the essential contributions comprised: coordinating the team's efforts, imparting drive, creating ideas, exploring resources, evaluating options, organizing the work, following up on detail, supporting others and providing expertise. The eventual names given to these types of contributor were: Co-ordinator, Shaper, Plant, Resource investigator, Monitor evaluator, Implementer, Completer/finisher, Teamworker and Specialist. Hence each team member could be described in terms of team-role contribution pattern. Individuals varied greatly in their patterns. What was observed, however, was that individuals who were outstanding in one role were often weak in another. That was why the issue of who was combining with whom was a matter of such central importance. Complementary combinations of people proved to be far more effective in their working performance than people with similar profiles competing with each other.
The theory of team roles now began to form an essential part of management education and was employed to good effect in industry, especially in the formation and management of R&D teams, in project teams and management teams generally. However, several academics published studies that showed misgivings on the theory or the methods that were used to delineate team roles or both. Later, however, Terri Hunter of the Department of Psychology in the University of Strathclyde carried out an extensive study into the validity and reliability of team-role theory. She writes:
The team roles and the model were validated through video observation of behaviour using real working teams from a variety of organizations throughout the UK. The teams performed a business game which zoas video taped. The videos of individuals performing zoere rated using a checklist of behaviours derived from Belbin's own descriptions of the behaviours and characteristics of the various team roles. Each individual within the team completed two well-established personality measures, namely the OPQ and the 16PF5, from which their team roles were derived. From each of these three measures it was possible to derive three separate team-role profiles for each individual. The team roles derived from both questionnaires had strong relationships with individualsā€˜ observed behaviour.
Hunter also looked into an important issue in team-role theory. She found good support for the hypothesis that the more team roles a team has within its members (i.e. a more balanced team), the more successful a team will become (see Hunter, T.A., Belbin's Team Roles and Model: A Behavioural Validation using the OPQ and 16PF5 Personality Questionnaires an unpublished PhD thesis, 1999, awaiting publication).
Even without that further academic support, the basic lessons of effective teamwork had taken root. Hunter found from a study of the top 109 trainers in the UK that ā€˜the majority of trainers believed the Belbin concepts to be of practical utility with over half reporting them as the only team-role model used in their organization’. My own book Management Teams: Why They Succeed or Fail, containing a self-reporting inventory, no doubt contributed to the rapid spread of the ideas. Self-reporting inventories were becoming very popular in training courses. However, they did suffer from the drawback of being circular in nature. People inevitably agreed with outputs that tallied with their own inputs. An overreliance on self-reporting, as the sole measure of an individual's team role, began to expose a number of problems. While in many cases the self-image accords with how that person is perceived by others, in other cases considerable discrepancies arise. The significance of these discrepancies had not been recognized hitherto. Here was a field that invited strategies for personal adjustment. But before those adjustments could be made, a number of technical steps needed to be taken. This took the form of developing a method for eliciting observer assessments. These assessments could then be related to the data generated by self-reporting and the degree of correspondence between the two could be measured. At that stage it became plain that a manual processing of the data obtained from traditional paper and pencil tests could no longer meet the needs of the situation. Computerization of the various inputs allowed a larger body of information to be handled and the necessary calculations made.
A new line of enquiry now became possible. Investigation at the workplace into individuals identified as being above average in personal effectiveness showed that good correlation between the self and observer perceptions proved positive pointers. On the other hand, where the two sets of information diverged, the misfit became associated with - well, the very same word, misfits in practice, or in other words people whose personal effectiveness was lower than average. Expressed in everyday terms, it meant that most individuals who projected themselves as they really were had advantages in their social and working relationships over those who either preferred to keep themselves hidden or who nurtured illusions about themselves. (’I think I am creative’ - ’ I don't think he is in the least creative’).
Discrepancies, however, were not always a sign of a basic weakness but sometimes of a poor personal strategy in making the most of one's personal strengths. Not infrequently there were examples of individuals who were known to possess a strong track record in an area that was in accord with the self-perception, yet that perception was not shared by their less intimate work associates. Here the problem usually lay in the failure of a person to project the self accurately. Some very modest individuals fell especially into this category. They made few claims about themselves and so were not understood. So without being difficult people they could prove difficult to work with.
All these instances gave support to the recommendation that it was a real advantage to learn about how the self was perceived by others in team-role terms. An adjustment could then be made if the two images were moving too far apart. The learning created a focus: it was to strive to present to others a coherent message by appropriately managing one's words and behaviour.
Another important learning point lay in finding a strategy for adjusting to difficult situations. If someone in a leading position occupies a team role that is best suited to another, is it a good idea to compete? Clearly not, if the lessons from effective and less effective teams are to be taken to heart. Instead those acquainted with team-role theory were encouraged to make team-role sacrifices. They would switch into a less preferred role. Such a move would require conscious self-discipline and in the short-term would bear fruit. And yet it could never operate well for long. Once such a switch became protracted, or the going got tough, strain would show. Preferred behaviour would eventually surface or evident stress would be the price paid for team-role sacrifice.
The messages about team-role theory began to spread and an increasing number of people testified to its value in practice. Eventually the position was reached when we thought any further major development unlikely. Then something strange happened which, on the face of it, seemed paradoxical. As the theory became consolidated and won wide acceptance, predictions in experimental situations began to lose their former sharpness.
We began to wonder whether the earlier successful forecasts might have come about by chance, even though statistical analysis of our results rendered that unlikely. Then light on this phenomenon began to emerge. Companies formed experimentally for the purposes of management exercises were observed to differ greatly among themselves in terms of how far they responded to the theory and how they reacted to personal material now available to them. Some of these experimental companies largely ignored the material and pressed on with the exercise, believing that their time would be better spent on the tasks immediately before them. In contrast, other companies took heed of the information available, even if they occasionally took a pessimistic view of their chances. Yet whatever view they took, the readiness of these experimental companies to adjust their behaviour in the light of information about the shape of their team was found to have a positive bearing on their success rate.
The lesson that could be drawn is that human behaviour operates on a probabilistic not on a deterministic model. People are not bound to behave in any particular way, since they have the freedom of will to make their own decisions and to react differently. They will exercise that freedom when they have information that helps them. The theory of team roles became in effect a philosophy but one fashioned in the interests of facilitating the way humans work together.

C h a p t e r

2

The team concept under
pressure

The momentum for progress towards better teamwork soon began to generate a problem based on its own success. It happened once the word ā€˜teamwork’ became accepted in the wider domain of business and public service. The very word embodied and ultimately served to promote the virtues of consultation and cooperation. Such an achievement could be considered a triumph, for its arrival signified a major change in the culture of organizations. Yet in so many triumphs, the seeds of disasters are often embedded within them - and so it was. As soon as it reached a peak, the word teamwork became an invitation to all and sundry to shelter under its mantle. To proclaim a belief in teamwork became a safe way for those in middle management and in personnel functions to gain general approval.
That combination of the exemplary and the warning sign were contained in one experience notable for its varied implications. At a time when interest in teamwork was at its height, I was asked, along with three others, to act in a national competition, sponsored by Rank Xerox, to judge the best team in the public sector. There were many entries and every entry had to be read and assessed by every judge. Eventually four finalists were chosen. There then followed a meeting at Kensington Town Hall in London, at which the finalists were invited to present their reports before an assembled audience. All four finalists had submitted commendable reports, with the achievements they claimed being confirmed by independent vetting. All that remained was the final judgement. This needed to take into additional account their oral presentation and the credibility of their corporate accomplishments in the light of close questioning.
The eventual winners, by a unanimous decision, were the dustmen of Mansfield District Council. It may seem strange that garbage collectors should earn such a conspicuous place on the rostrum of glory and even more remarkable that their submission should surpass those of other worthy competitors. What is more, these dustmen showed remarkable self-confidence. Their bid to stay as contractors within the Council had been won following intense competition under the system of competitive compulsory tendering that prevailed at the time. They had risen to the occasion by meeting among themselves to consider how best they could operate a flexible service in a way that allowed them to offer a full range of guarantees. For their visit to London they wore Top Team T-shirts and had travelled down from Mansfield in a Rolls Royce, supplied by the Mayor, on the understanding that if they failed to win the award they would have to pay for the petrol. A driver of the dust-cart presented the report and he and his colleagues answered the questions fluently and with conviction. After the result was announced, the other competitors came forward and graciously congratulated the winners.
The first question this incident raises is why the dustmen of Mansfield District Council should perform so well as a team. Here the socio-economic background provides some clues. Some time before the competition was staged the area suffered the misfortune of mining closures. Many miners came on to the labour market at a time when few job openings were available. Since the Council was intent on replacing some of their unsuitable dustmen who were failing to provide a fully competitive service, some of the miners saw the vacancies created as an area of opportunity. The new recruits knew all about teamwork through their practical experience underground. Faced with hazards intrinsic to their work and dependent on cooperation demanded by the nature of their duties, teamwork had for them a living meaning. This contrasts with other competitors in this national competition, who failed to make the shortlist, and were using teamwork in a contrived and artificial way. A typical entry would read like a department's annual report in which the employees are duly thanked. There was no sign of the social process in terms of which progress had been made. Towards the end of the report mention would be made of teamwork for the first time. Sometimes the word would not appear until the very last page, when it might recur several times.
That was not the only experience that began to sow doubt in my mind about the direction in which concepts about teamwork were heading. To an increasing extent training departments were engaged in running courses designed to promote the general values of teamwork. Usually exercises took the form of some joint activity carried out in an attractive and stimulating setting. The aim of these activities was seldom to discover some more effective mode of work. Rather the emphasis was on gaining insights into the behaviours and perceptions of other members of the group. Improved communication is a benefit that is always welcome, especially in organizations where people seldom talk to one another, and this clear outcome became one of the main advantages of attending this new set of training courses. Another commonly reported benefit was enjoyment. People who declare how much they enjoy a course also imply that the course itself is worthwhile. That may be pleasant news but indulgence in such satisfaction can also cause training to lose its focus.
Enjoyment in a social setting was being consciously used as a means of motivating employees. Such an objective in training becomes especially important in cultures where self-fulfilment takes precedence over demands on performance. Here I had reason to reflect on the time when a colleague and I had been invited to run a course for a large industrial corporation in the United States. This corporation had hitherto been run in an excessively authoritarian manner; as a consequence it had run into a downturn in its business. A newly appointed CEO now advocated a big culture switch. So the swing of the pendulum moved towards teamwork. The exercise we introduced was called teamopoly and was founded on the dynamics governing the well-known board game called Monopoly. In other words, success builds on success to create monopoly conditions, so creating huge advantages for those who get ahead. In this va...

Table of contents

  1. Front Cover
  2. Half Title
  3. Also by This Author
  4. Title Page
  5. Copyright
  6. Contents
  7. List of Figures
  8. Preface
  9. Introduction
  10. 1 The impact of team roles
  11. 2 The team concept under pressure
  12. 3 Distinguishing teams from groups
  13. 4 Understanding work roles
  14. 5 What Pink work reveals
  15. 6 A framework for meetings
  16. 7 Whatever happened to empowerment?
  17. 8 Rewards and remuneration
  18. 9 Adding value to the job
  19. 10 Feedback and networking
  20. 11 Decision-making and the mature team
  21. 12 The paradox of management
  22. 13 The superorganism - a model for work organization
  23. 14 From groups to supergroups
  24. 15 Some steps in the right direction
  25. 16 Snakes and ladders
  26. Appendix 1 The language of work roles
  27. Appendix 2 Glossary with added notes
  28. Index