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Using Theory to Think About Schools
Among many contemporary educators, there seems to have developed a misguided belief about the antagonism between theory and practice. We sometimes hear our studentsâpracticing principals and superintendentsâsay, âwhat youâre teaching us here at the university is ok, but itâs just theory. It wonât work in the real world.â
This common response to theory baffles us, as well, because theory, as we view it, involves propositions about the way the world does or should work. It isnât a prescription for what to do, but itâs useless to us if it doesnât help us make sense of the real world and take effective action (in the real world) on behalf of what we value (see e.g., Mungazi, 1999).
But theory can help us do more than that. It can help us imagine alternatives by supporting useful visions of what the world might become. And it is critical that school leaders be able to do this. Equally important, theory, in its broadest sense, guides dialog about school practice, whether that dialog involves colleagues in the teachersâ lounge or representatives from the many groups with a stake in what schools do and how they are run.
Theories that Explain whatâs Going on
Derived either from personal experience or from systematic study of some set of causes and effects, many theories strive to offer explanations of why things happen (see, e.g., Argyris & Schon, 1974). Unlike some explanations, however, theories attempt to provide general principles explaining why things typically happen. For example, contrast the following explanations:
⢠The teacher gave candy to the students because they were well behaved.
⢠The fourth-grade reading test scores improved because students had daily practice in phonics.
The first statement offers an explanation of a particular event. The statement may be perfectly true, but it does not help anyone understand how the world works. Unlike this arbitrary association of one event with another, the association between events in the second statement implies a systematic (and perhaps even a causal) relationship. If we are willing to limit our âworldâ to the fourth-grade classes referenced in the statement, we can formulate the second statement as a principle about how the world works: âTeaching phonics improves achievement in reading.â The second statement, then, may properly be classified as a theory.
In education, we use and develop many theories of this second type. In fact, almost every feature of school lifeâfrom the association between teaching and learning to the behavior of school boardsâhas been theorized in this way-Sidebar 1-1 presents a list of some of these theories. You will notice in several cases that different (and even conflicting) theories purport to explain the same outcome (e-g-, reading achievement or teacher motivation).
Sidebar 1-1: Theories About Why Certain Things Happen in Schools
Student Achievement
- Achievement increases when students are taught via direct instructional methods.
- Achievement increases when students see the meaningful ness of what theyâre learning.
- Studentsâ achievement is strongly associated with their socio-economic status.
Teachersâ Job Satisfaction
- Teachersâ job satisfaction increases when they are given control over school-wide decisions.
- Teachersâ job satisfaction increases when they feel they can control what goes on in their individual classrooms.
- Teachersâ job satisfaction increases when they are treated like professionals.
School Effectiveness
- School effectiveness improves when the professionalsâteachers and administratorsâare responsible for school governance.
- School effectiveness improves when the entire communityâeducators, parents, and citizensâare responsible for school governance.
- Effectiveness increases when schools are governed by strong instructional leaders.
Theoretical Systems
Often, propositions about how the world works are organized into coherent systems. In fact, when people use the word âtheoryâ they often mean âtheoretical system.â For example, we may talk about âcritical theoryâ or about âcompliance theoryâ Each of these so-called âtheoriesâ incorporates many propositions about how the world works, not just one. This perspective of theory is what Gutek (1988) was talking about when he wrote:
Theory refers to a grouping or clustering of general ideas or propositions that explain the operations of an institution, such as a school, or a situation, such as teaching or learning; moreover, these ideas and propositions are sufficiently abstract or general that they can be transferred and applied to situations other than those in which they are directly developed. (p. 250)
Not only do alternative theoretical systems offer different explanations of how the world works, but also, within some theoretical systems, different versions of the theory are put forth by different theorists. In dynamic systems theory, for instance, the claims made by Peter Senge differ from the claims made by Margaret Wheatley Both versions clearly belong to dynamic systems theory, but they also show marked differences-
Another use of the word âtheoryâ denotes an entire branch of theoretical work. For example, when we talk about âleadership theory,â we are not speaking about one proposition about how the world works, nor are we speaking about one coherent set of propositions about how leadership works in the world. Instead, we are talking about a scholarly tradition devoted to explaining about leadership. Quite different, even contradictory, theoretical systems can be categorized under a heading such as âleadership theory.â In Sidebar 1-2, we list several theoretical systems that pertain in some way to school leadership. We categorize these theoretical systems on the basis of the scholarly traditions to which they belong; and, for each of the theoretical systems, we provide examples of theorists who share fundamental theoretical assumptions but who offer different versions of the theory.
Sidebar 1-2: Theoretical Traditions, Systems, and Versions of Systems
Tradition 1: Leadership Theory
System 1: Contingency Theories
Version 1: Houseâs path-goal theory
Version 2: Fiedlerâs contingency theory
System 2: Transformational Leadership Theories
Version 1: Burnâs theory of transactional and transformational leaders
Version 2: Fullanâs theory of educational change agents
Traditional 2: Organizational Theory
System 1: Theories of Bureaucracy
Version 1: Weberâs theory of the ideal bureaucracy
Version 2: Barnardâs theory of the functions of the executive
System 2: Theories of Organizational Culture
Version 1: Schonâs theory of organizational culture
Version 2: Sergiovanniâs theory of the life-world and systems-world
Tradition 3: Learning Theory
System 1: Behaviorist Theories
Version 1: Skinnerâs theory of operant conditioning
Version 2: Gagneâs theory of task analysis
System 2: Constructivist Theory
Version 1: Vygotskyâs theory of social constructionism
Version 2: Posnerâs conceptual change theory
Theories of Action
One important category of explanatory theory encompasses âtheories of action.â These theoriesâhowever derivedâincorporate propositions about the means and ends (or causes and effects) of action (Argyris & Schon, 1974). For example, a school principal may act on the basis of the following theory of action: âIf you want students to respect the rules, you must involve students in setting the rules.â Another principal might hold a rather different theory of action: âIf you want students to respect the rules, you must apply the rules firmly and consistently.â These theories of action guide how each of the principals acts, and, to some extent, they may also condition the way students react-Moreover, the fact that people hold theories of action also enables us to understand why they do what they do. Indeed, the set of propositions related to theories of action themselves constitute a theory (Argyris & Schon, 1974; Argyris, Putnam, & Smith, 1985). In other words, one theory about how people function in the world is that they develop theories and act on them. Accepting this theory means that we maintain the belief that, in order to understand a personâs or a groupâs actions, it is necessary to understand the theories on which those actions are based.
For example, letâs say we want to understand why a particular set of dynamicsâinteractions and relationships among peopleâis at play in a particular school. One place to start would be to examine the theories of action held by those who are exercising power within the school. Take, for instance, a principal who believes that, if given the chance, students will misbehave. This principal is likely to set up school structures and procedures that influence studentsâ behavior in certain ways. Perhaps those structures and procedures will even predispose students to misbehave, contrary to the principalâs theory of action (McCadden, 1998).
Our understanding of the situation, however, needs to account for greater complexity than this simple hypothetical cause and effect relationship. We must remember, after all, that not only the principal but also the students, teachers, and parents are taking actions on the basis of the theories they hold. And all of these theory-based actions are interacting in very complex ways. To understand the dynamics of a disciplinary incident or the complexities of the establishment of a schoolâs discipline policyâor any other event, for that matterâwe need first to understand how the various participants used action to produce effects on the external world (including other people). Then we need to analyze the moves and countermoves made by the participants as their different theory-based actions collided, merged, diverged, and conflicted. In such encounters, each participantâs actions are likely to shift from their original course, and, in the process, their theories of action may end up being altered.
Theories-In-Use. Explicitly stated theories of action (sometimes referred to as âespoused theoriesâ) are not always the theories on which people base their actions. Whereas sometimes peopleâs theories-in-use are congruent with their espoused theories, often people act in ways that seem to contradict their explicitly stated theories of action (Argyris & Schon, 1974; Argyris et al., 1985). For example, we have all heard about the professor of pedagogy who lectures day after day about the importance of using active methods of teaching. The professorâs theory of action (i.e., that active methods of teaching are better than passive methods of teaching for promoting studentsâ learning) does not influence the professorâs own actions. Rather, the professor operates on the basis of a tacit âtheory-in-use.â
According to Argyris and Schon (1974), âTheories-in-use are means for getting what we want. They specify strategies for resolving conflicts, making a living, closing a deal, organizing a neighborhoodâindeed, for every kind of intended consequenceâ (p. 15). Professionals, such as school administrators, develop many theories-in-use in response to the conditions of their work. These theories, in fact, enable them to perform their jobs on a day-to-day basis. Without such theories, administrators would have to ponder every action they were going to takeâan impossibility given the fast-paced nature of their jobs. Tacitly held theories, then, clearly enable school leaders to cope with the daily necessities of their work. At the same time, tacitly held theories can cause difficulties. In particular, because theories-in-use often embed unexamined assumptions, they can color our understanding of whatâs happening and thereby restrict our potential to respond flexibly to new circumstances. Tacitly held theories determine (and, as a result, limit) how we see the world. And such limitations are often opaque to us because we rarely stop to examine our unexamined assumptions! All of us are subject to this difficulty, and a better appreciation of theory and theory-making can help.
Theories that Present Alternatives
Rather than describing how the world works, some theories present visions of how the world might work better. The visions put forward by these theories offer an ideal (or normative) view of the world or some part of it. Of course, different theorists view âthe idealâ quite differently. And your views of âthe idealâ might not match the views of any of the theorists.
The following example shows what we mean. Max Weber (1947) developed a theory of the âideal bureaucracyâ in which he outlined the way in which a bureaucracy might work under the best of circumstances. To Weber, bureaucracy was an innovation. It offered an objective basis for running organizations and a corrective to the arbitrary and capricious ways that 19th century and early 20th century industrialists often managed their corporations. To us today, though, bureaucracy may seem like a bad idea. When we think of bureaucracy, we usually think of huge and complicated organizations, of âred tape,â and of doing things âby the book.â The word âbureaucracyâ does not conjure up images of fairness and job opportunity. Rather, the word suggests impersonal treatment and limitations of possibilities for employee growth. Why does this mismatch exist? Why do we see as dysfunctional what Weber imagined as an improvement?
Something like what our students complain about happened. Theories about what might, or should be are often subject to real-world testing. Bureaucracy was put to the test, but the field-testing of bureaucracy was not an intentional experiment. It just happened. As modern organizations became larger, and as managers sought ways to handle the size and complexity of these enterprises, they created rules and regulations, established hierarchies, and specialized tasks and roles, and only partly because Weber had described it all Indeed, models had already existed for most of these things (especially in 18th and 19th century government).
Our criticisms of bureaucracy, however, stem from our experiences with these actual bureaucracies. Most of us, after all, are unaware of Weberâs scholarship. We have a basis for faulting Weber in that his âidealâ version of bureaucracy did not take into account its possible dysfunctions.
Our criticisms, of course, do not address the question of whether or not bureaucracies turned out to be more fair or to offer more opportunities for advancement than the organizational arrangements that preceded them. Rather, we tend to base our criticisms on a different visionâour own personal visionâof the ideal organization. We express concerns about bureaucracies because they are not sufficiently democratic or not sufficiently attentive to the human side of organizational life. Bureaucracies, then, often fail to match up with our personal vision of âthe idealâ organization. Note, however, that in order to do such a matching up, we must holdâperhaps without acknowledging so explicitlyâparticular theories about what constitute good (or effective) organizations. Furthermore, our views about good organizations tend to reflect our more general views about which goals and actions are âgoodâ and which are not. Most of us, by the way, could not do a very good job of describing in detail our own vision of the ideal organization. Thatâs another reason to study theory: to help us describe in some detail what we thinkâboth in the mode of description and in the mode of what might be.
The Connection Between Theories and Philosophies
Philosophies are coherent and comprehensive bodies of speculative thought about the nature of the world and human beingsâ place within it (see, e.g., Gutek, 1988). Because they are speculative, however, philosophical systems cannot be shown to be âtrueâ or âfalseâ in the commonsense way that we use those terms (Perkinson, 1971). Different philosophies, instead, offer alternative perspectives on the world. Moreover, these perspectives guide the types of theories human beings derive about how the world ought to work. In particular, ethical philosophies offer visions of âthe goodâ and principles for doing âwhatâs right.â
Our ideas about what goes into making an organization good, for example, derive from our philosophical views about âthe goodâ in general. If we believe that caring is a fundamental good (e.g., Noddings, 1984), then we will judge organizations to be good insofar as they offer opportuniti...