The cultural economy has emerged over the last three decades as a significant feature of urban development among both âadvancedâ and âtransitionalâ societies, comprising a diversity of institutions, industries, firms and labour situated within both the production and consumption sectors.
The cultural economy represents not a total break with earlier economic periods, but rather a complex blend of novelty (notably innovations in production and communications technologies) and more established development factors: capital, labour markets, production systems and space.
While the growth of a ânew cultural economyâ of new media, digital production, cultural tourism and social media takes centre stage both in the popular imagination and in the aspirations of city officials, âcultureâ pervades every aspect of the city, including issues of identity formation, social organization, production modalities, performance and place. Each of these in turn contributes to shaping the structures and systems of the economy of the city and to urban development generally.
Culture and the city: historical and contemporary perspectives
Culture has been central to the development of cities through history, as seen in complex interdependencies between âprocessâ and âplaceâ in experiences of urban growth and change, and in the formation of imagery in the city, from antiquity to the present day. âCultureâ in its manifold forms represents one of the foundational elements of cities, complementing the social, political, administrative, trading, exchange and ecclesiastical functions, which together comprise the raison dâĂŞtre of urban places within regional territories and nation states.
Cities â particularly primate cities at the peak of national urban hierarchies â have throughout history performed as sites of specialized, high-value cultural expression and production. Culture has underpinned the development of cities, and represents attributes of identity and power, as observed by Peter Hall in his magisterial treatment of cities at their key moments of ascendancy and influence in Cities in Civilisation (1998). The advantages of cities for cultural activity are derived in large part from their concentrations of capital, skilled labour, markets and political power. Cities have also throughout history encompassed affluent populations (as well as much larger populations of the poor), comprising economic and political ĂŠlites who possess pools of discretionary wealth that can be used to consume what Allen Scott (1997) has described as high-value âcultural productsâ â artwork, fashionable garments, jewellery, food and custom furniture, for example â markers of social status then, as now. There is also the tradition of patronage of the arts as a civic mission or personal commitment, in the form of financial support, space and endorsement for artists and other creative workers.
Elements of the cultural economy of the city: sectors and industries
As a general principle it seems sensible to take an inclusive view of the cultural economy of the city. Thus any human activity that embodies symbolic meaning, or is shaped by cultural factors, can be construed as contributing to cultural vitality in the city, although the potential for sale, trade, or exchange can be justified as a condition for inclusion within the urban economy. Culture and creativity may comprise end products within the consumer markets of economic systems, as in music performance and the visual arts; or, in other cases, as inputs to production processes in the urban economy (such as industrial design for consumer goods; architecture in the production of the built environment). Then there are myriad creative acts that remain internal to the individual for self-actualization purposes, and that therefore lie outside the âeconomyâ per se; but which may contribute to the development of personal creativity, and therefore to the âcultural capitalâ of communities.
I acknowledge a productionist emphasis in analytical terms, as a means of imparting a logic and system of thinking about the place of the culture in the larger urban-regional economy. This stance accepts both the saliency of consumption in contemporary cities and the interpenetration of production and consumption in the cultural economy, but embodies a degree of scepticism regarding the more ebullient claims concerning the putative âconsumer cityâ, or city as âentertainment machineâ: tropes that offer an inadequate basis for retheorizing the contemporary city. But equally I want to establish a very expansive idea of cultural production that includes the centrality of creative impulses in the production of urban imaginaries, the role of culture in the production of space, and, more generally, the saliency of cultural content in knowledge production within advanced economies.
An important part of the task of estimating the dimensions of the cultural economy is that of establishing a robust taxonomy of activities for the purposes of analysis, theory-building and policy-making. This is a complex assignment, given both the âfuzzy boundariesâ of many creative fields, as well as the volatile nature of key cultural industries such as new media and social media in an era of near-constant technological innovation. Taxonomies established earlier for positioning the sectors, industries, labour and production systems of the classic Industrial City from the early nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries were based on manufacturing industries and labour but comprised as well allied warehousing and distribution functions.
For the services sector, which encompasses many activities engaged in the production of âintangible outputsâ such as knowledge and information, one binary form of classification comprises (a) services provided directly to consumers for final demand, including retail, personal services and most public sector services, and, (b) intermediate demand services, which are largely supplied from service providers (for example, accounting firms, corporate law firms, consultancies) to other businesses. Final demand services are assumed to be oriented towards local-regional markets; while intermediate services are often sold in export markets (i.e. outside the region or nation), generating growth, and with the most specialized and highest-value industries (in terms of incomes and sales) termed âadvanced producer servicesâ (APS) (Bryson and Daniels 2007).
A useful taxonomy of cultural economy activities has been generated by the Arts and Humanities Research Council of the UK (Table 1.1). This functional approach frames activities within the categories of âcultural promotion and preservationâ, including museums, galleries, art markets and exhibitions; âcreative activitiesâ such as music and the performing arts; âcreative communicationsâ including new media and social media as well as publishing and broadcasting; and âcreative interfacesâ such as in the areas of business, regulation, ethics and intellectual property.
The economic value of creative industries
Another key issue concerning the classification of creative industries concerns the contribution of arts and culture to the economy. As Andy Pratt (2009) has observed, the arts have been viewed by many as marginal elements of the urban economy, relative to principal âdriversâ such as banking and finance, head offices and corporate control, advanced producer services (APS), and high-value manufacturing. But with the resurgence of creative industries over the past three decades, coupled with (in many cases) the decline of manufacturing and some service industry employment categories (notably clerical work), a reappraisal of the economic value of culture is clearly required. To this end the UK Department of Culture, Media and Sport (2001) developed an influential structure of key cultural industries (see text box below) together with estimates of economic value and employment levels.
Creative industries mapping document, Department for Culture, Media and Sport â UK
In 2001 the UK Department of Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) published an inventory of key cultural industries in the UK economy, including an influential taxonomy of constituent activities, together with estimates of output value, labour force and employment, and regional concentrations of each. DCMS and its consultants and advisors, including Andy Pratt (then of LSE), acknowledged the technical and methodological problems inherent in the exercise, but deployed as a working definition of âcreative industriesâ as follows: âthose industries which have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual propertyâ (from the Background, p. 5).
The intent of the exercise was first, to raise awareness of the value of creative industries to the British economy (estimated at ÂŁ112.5 billion) and employment (1.3 million), and then, more particularly, to help shape effective development policy and programs targeted towards these industries.
The inventory of the UKâs creative industries, and estimates of (annual) economic value in terms of sales and employment, was presented as follows.
Software and computer services. ÂŁ36.4 billion; 555,000
DCMS described the UK as the second largest market in the EU after Germany for software, and important specializations include software for the financial industry.
Design. ÂŁ26.7 billion; 76,000
The report suggested that the UK was a âworld design leaderâ in all fields, including âdesign educationâ.
Publishing. ÂŁ18.5 billion; 141,000
Sales and employment underscore the great importance of publishing to the British economy, and its great status internationally.
Television and radio. ÂŁ12.1 billion; 102,000
Here, the UK television industry is âacknowledged as one of Europeâs most dynamicâ (16), with significant overseas sales, and a reputation for excellence.
Music. ÂŁ4.6 billion; 122,000
The UK represents the third-largest record market globally, and is experiencing high rates of growth in on-line music production and distribution; although âE-commerce is challenging traditional systems of deliveryâ, and on-line distribution âposes problems for content creators, e.g. protection of their rights and paymentâ (15).
Film and video. ÂŁ3.6 billion; 45,000
As for other sectors the UK is seen as strong internationally in film and video production and sales, and is increasingly reshaped by digitalization processes.
Art and antiques market. ÂŁ3.5 billion; 37,000
Here DCMS assert that the âUK is home to the second largest art and antiques market in the worldâ (14), where London acts as centre for European art commodity exchange, and where the British Council performs specialized support services for British artists.
Advertising. ÂŁ3.0 billion; 93,000
In this sector, the UKâs status is underscored by Londonâs ranking as one of the worldâs top three advertising centres.
Architecture. ÂŁ1.7 billion; 21,000
The sales and export performance of the architectural sector of the UK economy has been potentiated by the expansion of British architects working overseas, or securing international commissions.
Interactive leisure software. ÂŁ1.0 billion; 21,000
The UK Interactive Leisure Software industry is supported by âhighly capitalizedâ studios employing 50 or more, as well as a much larger number of smaller operations with 5â15 workers, and Britain is the third largest market after the U.S. and Japan.
Designer fashion. ÂŁ0.6 billion; 12,000
The UK has the fourth-largest fashion design industry in the world, with â60% of companies exportingâ (14).
Performing arts. ÂŁ0.5 billion
The UK has over 800 formal performance venues, and over 500 companies producing professional dance, drama, opera and music theatre, and...