Sport and Tourism

James Higham, Tom Hinch

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2010
• Print ISBN: 9781138142589
• eBook ISBN: 9781136435874
• Topic: Business
• Subtopic: Business General
• Index: Business

Sport and Tourism: Globalization, Mobility and Identity marks a new era in sport tourism texts. Written by global experts whose previous collaborations have been integral to the development of the field, the book applies key social science concepts and issues relevant to the academic study of sport and tourism.

This is a ground-breaking text, which:

• Critically explores the wider manifestations of sport-related tourism and mobility
  Addresses key themes such as globalization, mobility and identity
• Explores the unique interrelationship that exists in a sport tourism context between activity, people and place
• Includes case studies written by a range of leading scholars from around the world

Set to be the an essential text for any student or academic in the field, this book cements and advances previous studies by building upon existing literature, while extending the field by exploring avenues of study that are yet to be comprehensively addressed. The latest collaboration by internationally renowned authors applies new theoretical perspectives for the advancement of sport tourism.

PART 1

Introduction

CHAPTER 1

Sport and Tourism:
Globalization, Mobility
and Identity

CONTENTS

Wider and critical perspectives

Beyond defining phenomena

The broad context: Globalization, mobility and identity

Sport and tourism: Activity, people and place

It has been widely stated that heightened personal mobility (Hall, 2004; Burns & Novelli, 2008) and increasing interest in both passive and active engagements in physical activities (Glytpis, 1991) are two defining features of late twentieth century and early twenty-first century societies. Unexplained, such claims risk accusations of gross generalization. In many societies, the higher reaches of personal mobility remain the exclusive domain of the privileged (Hall, 2004). Similarly, participation in many sport and recreational pursuits is rigidly defined by social class, race and gender (Gibson, 2005). ‘Irrespective of culture or historical period, people use sport to distinguish themselves and to reflect their status and prestige’ (Booth & Loy, 1999:1). Booth and Loy (1999) state that similar status groups generally share lifestyle and consumption patterns. This is a claim that relates equally to the consumption of sport and the consumption of tourism. Participation in physical activities remains beset with concerns surrounding increasingly sedentary and unhealthy lifestyles and obesity in some societies (Coakley, 2007).

However, interests in contemporary mobility and increasingly diverse engagements in sport are such that the intersection of the two has become an area of considerable research scholarship (Glyptis, 1982; Maguire, 1993, 1994; Standeven & De Knop, 1999; Weed & Bull, 2004; Gibson, 2004). There has been a relatively longstanding tradition of sport-related tourism research with a focus on sports mega-events (Hinch & Higham, 2004). Situated initially from the 1980s within the events management literature, sports mega-events have featured prominently in discourses on events management and tourism (Ritchie, 1984; Getz, 1997). This focus has moved beyond often flawed economic impact analyses of mega-events (Crompton, 1995; Mules & Faulkner, 1996) to more fine-grained and critical analyses of sports mega-events (Hall & Hodges, 1996; Hiller, 2000; Olds, 2000; Cornelissen, 2004; Preuss, 2005; Weed, 2008). However, as Cornelissen (2004:40) notes, ‘since the vast majority of mega-events are hosted by industrialized states, discourse and research on the processes and impacts of these events tend to be framed around the economic and political circumstances characteristic to the developed world’. It is evident that much critical scholarly work addressing the growing diversity of sports events remains outstanding.

WIDER AND CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES

Cornelissen’s (2004) observation that discourse and research on the processes and impacts of sports events are situated firmly in the circumstances of the developed world bears considerable influence over the discussions presented in the following chapters. This bias has also occurred at the expense, at least in relative terms, of more critical and nuanced considerations of the wider manifestations of sport-related tourism. Bull and Weed (1999:143) noted ten years ago that ‘sport tourism is really a collection of separate niches but while tourism associated with mega-sporting events … in major urban locations is clearly evident, the potential of sport as a tourism niche elsewhere is perhaps less well appreciated’. This criticism remains as applicable today as it was a decade ago. The focus of much research serving the field remains largely concentrated on high profile, mainstream and often professional or semiprofessional sports, and global or international sports events that typically take place in major cities in the Western developed world.

One response to Weed and Bull (1999) and Cornelissen (2004) is to critically explore the wider manifestations of sport-related tourism and mobility. There are some notable contributions that have followed this approach. In terms of sports events, research into bundling (Chalip & McGuirty, 2004) and leverage (Chalip, 2006; Chalip & Leyns, 2002) signal a move away from descriptive event evaluation, to a more strategic and analytical approach. Such studies represent a paradigmatic shift from ex post to ex ante analyses of events (Chalip, 2008). Hiller (2000) and Olds (2000) present critical analyses of the lower socio-economic community impacts felt by the residents of cities bidding for and hosting sports mega-events. Cornelissen and Solberg (2007) examine South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 football world cup in terms of the migration of athletic talent, observing South Africa as an alternative to Western Europe which, in terms of the migration of African footballers, is ‘. mostly viewed as exploitative and an extension of neo-imperialist relations between the continent and its former colonial powers’ (Cornilessen & Solberg, 2007:674). Gratton, Shibli and Coleman (2005:233) have addressed the growing competition between second tier cities to host ‘less globally recognized sports events in a wide range of other sports where spectator interest is less assured and where the economic benefits are not so clear cut’. Others have contributed empirical insights into elements of production, consumption and experience associated with non-elite (Carmichael & Murphy, 1996; Ryan & Lockyer, 2002) and non-competitive sports events (Nogawa et al., 1996). These works are indicative of a move towards move critical and nuanced insights into sports events.

However, beyond events comparatively little recognition has been given to the wider relationships that may exist between sport and tourism. Recognition of this intersection of interests was established with a platform of work in the 1980s and 1990s (Glyptis, 1982; Gibson, 1998; Standeven & De Knop, 1999). Standeven and De Knop (1999), for example, describe sport tourism as the sum of the cultural experiences of activity and place. Efforts to build upon this platform with more critical (Weed & Bull, 2004; Hinch & Higham, 2004) and theoretical (Gibson, 2005) contributions have followed. Weed and Bull (2004) call for a move beyond defining sport tourism phenomena and the development of classifications and typologies of sport tourists (e.g., Hall, 1992; Gammon & Robinson, 1997; Standeven & De Knop, 1999; Reeves, 2000). They present a compelling argument that an understanding of the unique manifestations of sport-related tourism may be well served by conceptualizing sport tourism as a composite of activity, people and place. Alternatively, Higham and Hinch (2006) adopt a geographical approach to raise questions that are situated within the concepts of space, place and environment. They do so to highlight research questions relating to the spatio-temporal travel flows associated with sport (e.g., as it relates to tourism seasonality), place attachment and meanings, and the manifestations of environmental change associated with sport and tourism at various (local, regional, national or global) scales of analysis.

Alongside these conceptual contributions, the theoretical platform that serves the study of sport tourism has been initiated (Gibson, 2005). The adoption of concepts and theories from related fields has provided theoretically informed insights into the study of sport and tourism. The use of leisure constraints theory (Hinch, Jackson, Hudson & Walker, 2005), destination branding theory (Chalip & Costa, 2005), role theory (Gibson, 2005) and concepts such as authenticity (Hinch & Higham, 2006) and serious leisure (Jones & Green, 2005) are recent examples. To these conceptual and theoretical foundations have been added an expanding and diverse range of empirical contributions that address specific elements of the relationship between sport and tourism. The aforementioned study of sports event leverage (Chalip, 2006; Chalip & Leyns, 2002), for example, has progressed from the study of events into the wider field of elite sport (Sparvero & Chalip, 2007). This work builds upon a body of work that critically explores sport as it relates to destination branding (Chalip & Costa, 2005; Xing & Chalip, 2006), sports media and destination image (Chalip, Green & Hill, 2003) and destination marketing (Harrison-Hill & Chalip, 2005). These are notable contributions, at the very least for providing theoretically informed empirical insights into the potential diversity of sport tourism phenomena and the unique challenges and complexities with which they may be associated. But many relevant questions remain largely or entirely unanswered.

Hitherto, the relationship between sport and tourism in regional and peripheral economies has been generally limited to high profile winter (e.g., skiing and snowboarding) and other nature-based adventure sports (e.g., Hudson, 1999, 2003). Exceptions include studies on sport and tourism in regional economies (Chalip & Costa, 2005) and peripheral areas (however, peripherality may be defined in a spatial, economic or political sense) such as rural Europe (e.g., Wales, see Weed & Bull, 2004; Portugal, see Costa & Chalip, 2005) and Malta (Weed & Bull, 2004). Little focus has fallen upon environmental impacts, either local/regional (e.g., environmental/ecological impacts) or wider national or global environmental change (e.g., climate change), despite calls to this effect (Gössling & Hall, 2005). The unique manifestations and challenges associated with sport and tourism in developing world countries have been poorly served by researchers (Cornelissen, 2004). The roles played by sport and tourism in indigenous and non-Western religious communities have also been largely neglected (Hinch & de la Barre, 2005). Beyond the considerable research effort that has been directed towards mega-events and the interests of cities that host them, relatively little attention has been paid to sport and tourism interests in the wider context. Less apparent are critical considerations of sport-related tourism in terms of globalization, patterns of personal mobility (and other contemporary mobilities) and manifestations of personal and collective identity, all of which bear considerable relevance to tourism places.

BEYOND DEFINING PHENOMENA

Andrews (2006) observes that the definition of terms is a common starting point in the academic discussion of any phenomenon (e.g., sport or tourism) or, in this case, phenomena (i.e., sport and tourism). Indeed, this is true to the point that the definition of terms by academics has become an obligatory and in many cases burdensome element of many scholarly discussions. While well intended, the proliferation of definitions that seek to specifically delineate socially constructed phenomena is bound to prove to be an exercise in futility. A proliferation of definitions, many of which are used barely beyond those who propose them, can counter the advance of scholarship. However, what is necessary from the outset of this book is the establishment of parameters around which to understand the phenomena of sport and tourism as they are addressed in the pages that follow.

The defining parameters of sport are well established (Coakley, 2007). McPherson, Curtis and Loy (1989:15) consider sport as ‘a structured, goal- oriented, competitive, contest-based, ludic physical activity’. Sport is structured by rules that may be manifested in the form of defined playing areas, duration of play and rules of engagement. Rules vary from the strictly enforced (often associated with higher levels of competition) to the unwritten or unspoken. Sport is goal-oriented insofar as participants may seek to attain certain levels of achievement or competence. Goal orientation may be directed towards some form of inter-personal competition as expressed in terms of winning and losing. Duda and Nicholls’ (1992) ego (‘being the best’) and task (‘doing my best’) competitive orientations aptly describe this distinction. That said, competition may be interpreted more widely in terms of competing against personal standards (e.g., time), degrees of difficulty (e.g., course design) or the forces of nature (e.g., challenges of terrain, climate or other more or less natural phenomena). Closely associated with competition is the contest-based nature of sport in which uncertain outcomes are determined by a combination of physical prowess, strategy, skill, composure under pressure and, to a greater or lesser degree, chance. Physical prowess consists of physical speed, stamina, strength, and skill and, within the context of competition, is one of the most consistent criterion used to define sport (Gibson, 1998). In this book we adopt a deliberately broad and inclusive approach to define sport so as to accommodate recreational as well as competitive pursuits.

These criteria give some meaning to the term ‘sport’ as used in this book. However, they fail to adequately express the diverse and dynamic nature of sport phenomena. Thus, while sports are as old as civilizations, and while many of the criteria outlined in the previous paragraph have defined sports since the dawn of civilization, these criteria do not capture the changing place of sports in societies over time. Coakley (2007:7) notes that ‘some scholars reject the idea that sports can be defined once and for all time and decide to use an alternative approach to identifying and studying sports in society’. As Andrews (2006:1) observes, ‘although physically-based competitive activities are a feature of virtually all human civilisations, the popular myth of sport as a fixed and immutable category is little more than a pervasive, if compelling, fiction’. Thus Andrews (2006) gives priority to an interpretive strategy in which sports, different forms of sport and sport experiences are situated within their socio-historical context. Sports, then, are a reflection of their historical and social circumstances. This point is imbedded in Bale’s (1989) simple but useful suggestion that sport may be defined by what features in the sports section of local newspapers. The content of any daily newspaper will be a reflection of the historical and social context of the day. If nothing else, scrutiny of the sports pages of local newspapers confirms the vast diversity of sports relative to their situation in place and time (Hinch & Higham, 2004).

The socio-historical construction of sport that is advocated by Coakley (2007) and Andrews (2006) serves our purposes in this book well. This approach allows due recognition of the fact that sports are dynamic. Sports and sports events are constantly being adapted to reflect the changing face of the societies within which they are set (Keller, 2001). These dynamics have been illustrated in recent years by the changing fortunes of highly structured team sports relative to individualized and unstructured sports (de Villiers, 2001; Murray & Dixon, 2000; Thomson, 2000). Keller (2001) notes that organised sports are in decline relative to the uptake of new generation freestyle sports. In many such cases (e.g., snowboarding and surfing) these sports are built upon strong subcultural associations, which provide participants with a sense of personal and/or collective identity. Performance and rankings have become secondary to aesthetics and style. As such, in this book we use a broad and inclusive approach to understand sports that may vary dramatically between places, and evolve – sometimes very rapidly – in different societies over time.

We adopt a similar approach to define tourism. In doing so we seek to move beyond traditional reductionist definitions of tourism to embrace alternative conceptions that acknowledge the wider interdependencies that are influenced by and influence tourism phenomena. This approach is informed by the writing of Coles, Duval and Hall (2004) who argue the need for any understanding of tourism to be set within the wider context of the social science of mobility, particularly leisure-oriented mobility (Hall, 2005). Their critique of traditional definitions of tourism notes that reductionist approaches to tourism offer ‘little statistical or intellectual overlap with other fields concerned with mobility such as transport, retailing, migration or the realms of diaspora and global networks’ (Hall, 2004:2). Within one temporal dimension, they note the folly of excluding day-trippers from definitions of tourism, given the time-space compression that has resulted from rapid recent advances in transport technology and infrastructure. On another, tourism phenomena such as visiting friends and relatives (VFR), repeat travel and heritage tourism (to name a few) are commonly set within the context of mobility, migration and/or diaspora. Hall (2004) suggests, therefore, that tourism ‘constitutes just one form of leisure oriented temporary mobility, and it constitutes part of that mobility, being both shaped by and ...

Table of contents

• Front Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Tables
• List of Figures
• List of Case Studies
• Acknowledgements
• Part 1 Introduction
• Part 2 Globalization, Mobility and Identity
• Part 3 Activity
• Part 4 People
• Part 5 Place
• Part 6 Conclusion
• References
• Index