Chapter 1
The Gondi in France: Perceptions and Realities
Contemporary perceptions of the Gondi tell us much about what French society thought of the family and more generally of the influence of Italians in France during the sixteenth century. Historians hold many views regarding the Gondi familyâs participation in the St Bartholomewâs Day Massacre. There were widespread negative reactions to the influence of Italians in the years following 1572. The elites saw Italians as foreigners, and thus convenient scapegoats, much easier to attack than their own rulers.
Of all the sixteenth-century sources that discuss the Gondi, the most sharply critical tend to be the contemporary memoirs composed by figures who knew the world of the French court. All of the leading figures of the family, Albert and his brother Pierre, as well as their cousin JĂ©rĂŽme, were targets of this sort of vituperation. Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de BrantĂŽme, the Marshal of Tavannes and Marguerite de Valois were among the most critical.1 Tracts, diatribes, pamphlets and poetry written by Protestant authors, notably the Protestant monarchomachs François Hotman and Innocent Gentillet, were especially vituperative. Other writings by Catholic and anonymous authors, for example the RĂ©veille-Matin des François and the Discours Merveilleux de La Vie de Catherine de MĂ©dicis, as well as many works recorded in Pierre de LâEstoileâs Registre-Journal, need to be considered. Ambassadorsâ dispatches and correspondence are also worthy of scrutiny.
Views about the Gondi can be situated in the general context of anti-Italianism. Other influential Italian families in France, among them the Gonzague-Nevers and the Birague, were also attacked. But in most cases, criticisms tended to be far less specific. Commentators seldom singled out individual family members but placed these families in the umbrella categories of âMachiavellistesâ, or âpeople of the courtâ. The Gondi, in contrast, were singled out for special opprobrium.2 They were accused of profiting from as well as participating in the St Bartholomewâs Day Massacre, and denounced as the favourites of the queen mother and King Charles IX. The Gondi rise to fame and fortune was observed in some detail by the astute observer of Parisian politics Pierre de LâEstoile. In his Registre-Journal entry from June 1574, âGĂ©nĂ©alogie du Comte de Rets et de lâancienne et bonne fortune de lui et ses frĂšresâ, he devotes considerable space to an account of the seemingly inexorable rise of the family to a position of towering political influence. This diary entry discusses the familyâs roots in Florence, their move to Lyon and their entry into court through Marie-Catherine de Pierrevive, Albertâs mother.3
According to LâEstoile, after the death of Henry II in 1559, when Catherine deâ Medici took control of government affairs, she advanced the children of Marie-Catherine and Antoine de Gondi, who at that time apparently only had 2,000 livres worth of revenue. By the time Charles IX died, however, Antoineâs son Albert de Gondi, Count of Retz, was already First Gentleman of the Kingâs Chamber (premier gentilhomme de la chambre) and Marshal of France. He had 100,000 livres of rentes, money and property estimated to be worth between 1,500,000 and 1,800,000 livres. Moreover, his brother Pierre controlled the bishopric of Paris and held another 30,000 to 40,000 livres in other benefices and 200,000 Ă©cus in goods. Albert and Pierreâs younger brother, Charles, Seigneur de la Tour, was a military captain, chevalier de lâordre and maĂźtre de la garderobe du roi. All brothers were members of the conseil privĂ© du roi. LâEstoile wrote that their great rise to fortune from such humble backgrounds was one of the miracles of his time.4 They had achieved all of this while BrantĂŽme claimed that Antoine had been twice bankrupt.5
This tale of a meteoric rise bears a remarkable similarity to what would later be said of the early history of the Richelieu family. One such tale recounted the initial poverty of the cardinal. Allegedly, his father had died in such dire circumstances that the cardinalâs mother had to sell her late husbandâs Collar of the Order of the Holy Spirit to finance his burial. As Joseph Bergin correctly emphasizes, historians used this story for their own purposes, among them to demonstrate the cardinalâs extraordinary rise set against a backdrop of difficult circumstances. In reality, little is known about the Richelieu familyâs situation in 1590. Recent historiography has demonstrated that the family was not so poor, making the cardinalâs rise seem somewhat less extraordinary.6 Similarly, though the extraordinary political eminence of the Gondi could not have been predicted, this was hardly a rags-to-riches story. The family was certainly wealthy before they moved into the inner circles of the court.
Catherine deâ Medici consolidated the power of the Gondi family by promoting its members to prominent positions in the royal households. It is certainly true that the Gondiâs rise was quick and substantial. Antoine de Gondi, Seigneur du Perron (who got his title with the purchase of his Seigneurie in Lyon), established himself as a merchant and banker in Lyon. Albert de Gondi, Antoineâs eldest son, began his career in the military, serving in Renty against the Spanish in 1554, and in 1555 in Volpiano and Coni and helped to take Vercelli and other parts of Piedmont and Corsica. He also took part in the disastrous battles of Saint-Quentin (1557) and Gravelines (1558). In 1554 he was promoted to the position of gentilhomme de la chambre et maĂźtre de la garderobe of Charles Maximilien Duke of OrlĂ©ans, the future Charles IX.7 Additionally, he was captain of a ship and two galleys in 1562. He was made chevalier de lâordre du roi in 1563. In 1565, Albert married the widow Claude-Catherine de Clermont-Dampierre, Baroness of Retz, and took on her title in the barony of Retz in Brittany. This marriage to a French noblewoman catapulted Albert to the upper echelons of French nobility. In 1568 he became governor of Nantes and governor of Metz in 1571.8 On 10 July 1573 Charles IX made Albert Marshal of France, following the death of the Marshal of Tavannes. At this time he was also conseiller du roi en son conseil privĂ©, premier gentilhomme de sa maison, as well as gouverneur et lieutenant gĂ©nĂ©ral de Metz et du Pays Messin.9 He also became count and then Marquis of Belle-Isle in Brittany (1573) and of the Ăles dâOr (Ăles dâHyĂšres) in the South of France. By the mid 1570s, Albert de Gondi was wealthier than many of his Italian peers in France. Historians have recently estimated that his net worth at that time was approximately 5,000,000 livres.10
Figure 1.1 Albert de Gondi. Recueil: Portraits dessinés de la Cour de France (ID/COTE: Reserve NA-22 (21) BTE). Cliché BibliothÚque Nationale de France
Many sources confirm that Albert was King Charles IXâs favourite. Arnaud Sorbin, Bishop of Nevers, noted Charles IXâs fondness for all three Gondi brothers, Albert, Pierre and Charles. Sorbin further observed that the king rarely liked people unless he found them to possess unique virtues. 11
St Bartholomew
The reputation of the Gondi will be forever associated with their alleged role in the St Bartholomewâs Day Massacre. The Massacre was immediately preceded by the attempted assassination of Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, a Protestant nobleman and powerful relative of the Montmorency family, on 22 August 1572. After the failure of this attempt, on 23 August, the royal council decided that Coligny and other Protestant leaders should be executed. Many Huguenots were in Paris after having attended the 18 August wedding of Margaret de Valois and Henry of Navarre. The kingâs order to assassinate Coligny and around 70 Protestant leaders and the decision to call upon the recently formed city militia, composed of many fanatic Catholics, led to a general attack on French Protestants in Paris. Attacks on the Protestant leadership occurred before dawn on 24 August.12 By 3pm, the king ordered the carnage to stop but it continued due to delayed communications and the late publication of the kingâs declaration. The violence quickly spread to the provinces and continued for weeks in several towns across the country, including Rouen, Lyon and Troyes, resulting in thousands of deaths.13 Estimates vary, but approximately between 2,000 and 6,000 people perished in Paris;14 10,000 people are believed to have died across the kingdom.15
It is important to bear in mind that most historians now distinguish between the decision to assassinate Coligny and the Pr...