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Religion and Legal Pluralism
Russell Sandberg
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eBook - ePub
Religion and Legal Pluralism
Russell Sandberg
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About This Book
In recent years, there have been a number of concerns about the recognition of religious laws and the existence of religious courts and tribunals. There has also been the growing literature on legal pluralism which seeks to understand how more than one legal system can and should exist within one social space. However, whilst a number of important theoretical works concerning legal pluralism in the context of cultural rights have been published, little has been published specifically on religion. Religion and Legal Pluralism explores the extent to which religious laws are already recognised by the state and the extent to which religious legal systems, such as Sharia law, should be accommodated.
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Chapter 1
The Impossible Compromise
The Performance of a Lifetime
I do not know who I am. I change my identity at will. My identity is constructed over time and across place. It fluctuates and is shaped by the experiences I have and the company I keep. It mutates according to the roles I consciously and subconsciously play, the relationships I form and the allegiances I owe. It is always in flux, constantly being created and recreated, negotiated and renegotiated. I do not know who I am.
This notion of the constructive nature of personal identities is not new.1 The immortal Bard famously observed that: âAll the worldâs a stage and all the men and women merely playersâ (Shakespeare, 1598/2009: Act 2, scene 7, 139â40).2 It is now accepted that people are constantly constructing (and reconstructing) their identities and performing (and re-performing) those identities in different ways according to differing stimuli and in diverse social situations. It is not a question of being two-faced, but rather of being twenty-faced; constantly adapting and creating our identity as we go about our day-to-day life. The philosopher Charles Taylor has discussed how identity is ânegotiated through dialogue, partly overt, partly internal, with othersâ (Taylor, 1991: 47; 1994: 25). For Taylor, the âmodern preoccupation with identity and recognitionâ became inevitable given âthe collapse of social hierarchiesâ (1991: 46). It was the result of the general move from a society largely based on ascribed status to one largely based on achieved status.3 Taylor wrote that, while previously âwhat we would now call a personâs identity was largely fixed by his or her social positionâ (1991: 47), we now live in an âage of authenticityâ (2007: 473) in which âeach of us has his or her own way of realizing oneâs own humanityâ and it is considered to be âimportant to find out and live out oneâs own [life], as against surrendering to conformity with a model imposed from outside, by society, or the previous generation, or religious or political authorityâ (2002: 83). This has meant that âself-orientation seems to have become a mass phenomenonâ (2007: 473).
It is the pervasiveness of self-orientation that is new.4 As discussed elsewhere (Sandberg, 2014: 161), the increased focus on personal identities is part of the âsubjective turnâ which has occurred in Western societies following the Second World War. The âsubjective turnâ refers to the way in which the âsubjectivities of each individual became a, if not the, unique source of significance, meaning and authorityâ (Heelas and Woodhead 2005: 3â4). For Heelas and Woodhead, âthe subjective turn has become the defining cultural development of modern western cultureâ, denoting a turn away from âlife lived in terms of external or âobjectiveâ roles, duties and obligations, and a turn towards life lived by reference to oneâs subjective experiencesâ (2005: 2). As Giddens (1991: 32) points out, this has resulted in a new focus on self-identity whereby âthe self becomes a reflexive projectâ.5 This new focus was spurred on by the social changes which occurred in the sixties: the âdeath of deferenceâ (Sandberg, 2014: 167; Carpenter, 2000: 238). However, it is important to note that the âsubjective turnâ does not necessarily imply an individualism characterised by âan inevitable descent into selfishness and self-absorptionâ (Aldridge, 2013: 188; Heelas and Woodhead, 2005: 11).6 Constructing identities is rarely a solitary experience. Moreover, emphasising the role played by human agency does not deny the ways in which individuals are also shaped by the societies in which they live. A distinction between nature and nurture does not need to be made; it is more complex than that. As the novelist Neil Gaiman (2004: 346â7) has observed, this means that people are both distinctive and unoriginal:
Lives are snowflakes â unique in detail, forming patterns we have seen before, but as like one another as peas in a pod (and have you ever looked at peas in a pod? I mean, really looked at them? Thereâs not a chance youâd mistake one for another after a minuteâs close inspection).
The constructive nature of personal identities includes religious identities. As a result of the âsubjective turnâ, people draw upon aspects of their religious identities, constantly reconstructing them in various aspects of social life.7 As Day (2011: 194) has argued, âbelief is not pre-formed but a lived, embodied performanceâ. This is not only the case in relation to religious minorities. Indeed, religious identities are performed not only by those who align themselves to a particular faith or are members of a specific group. Such performances are also carried out by âatheists, agnostics, sceptics and the unconcernedâ (to quote the case law of the European Court of Human Rights).8 As Dayâs empirical work suggests, people may draw upon religious identities to stress family and community bonds. And the beliefs on which they draw may not be those espoused by traditional religions.9 As with other forms of identity, religious identities are likely to mutate over time and place, ebbing and flowing in response to internal and external stimuli. This means that, even where a person identifies with a particular religious group, their beliefs are likely to be personal to them to some extent, with the interpretation or emphasis differing between that person and other members of their group.
This was recognised by Lord Nicholls in Williamson,10 in which his Lordship stated that: âFreedom of religion protects the subjective belief of an individualâ, recognising that an individualâs beliefs would not be fixed and static but rather that the âbeliefs of every individual are prone to change over his lifetimeâ. Although it is important not to undermine the extent to which religious identities can often be ascribed and be shaped by the environment in which the individual lives, the subjectivity of religious beliefs has been described as the factor that distinguishes religion or belief from the other protected characteristics under discrimination law (such as sex, race, age and sexual orientation).11 This has been reflected in the rise in legislation and litigation concerning religious rights in recent year. This âjuridification of religionâ (Sandberg, 2011a: chapter 9; 2014: chapter 1) has led to religious freedom being seen as an individual right, actionable in courts of law. This has led to an increased focus upon religious identities. As Eisenberg (2009: 2) has noted, one of the main reasons for the general increased focus on questions of identity has been the âgreater awareness of the role that identity plays in controversies in Western countries concerning the accommodation of Muslim practices, such as religious arbitration and veilingâ.
However, paradoxically, while the protection of religion as a subjective right has underpinned many of the new religion laws, legal actors have paid little attention to the nature of identities in resolving the disputes that have arisen. In particular, courts and tribunals have been slow to recognise that religious beliefs may differ amongst co-religionists. This has meant that those who assert their religious rights have often been required to choose between adherence to their faith and the rights that they would normally enjoy by virtue of their citizenship. This is most clear in the UK case law concerning religious dress and symbols following the case of Begum.12 For instance, in Playfoot13 the High Court held that a Christian schoolgirl did not have the right to wear a âpurity ringâ at school as a sign of her sexual restraint since this was not obligatory under Christianity and she could have expressed her belief in other ways such as by contributing to personal and social health education classes on the topic or by transferring to another school.14
As I have argued elsewhere (Sandberg, 2014: 196), this approach is unprincipled.15 The courts are deeming themselves capable of determining what is an appropriate manifestation of religion, and are saying that there is no breach of a personâs religious rights where that person can choose to manifest their religion elsewhere, usually outside the public sphere. The reasoning of the judiciary rests upon a âbinaryâ understanding of âeither your citizenship rights or your religionâ which does not allow the court to consider fully on the merits of the case. As Eisenberg (2009: 71) observes, rights-based approaches typically exacerbate âthe perception that claims are incommensurable and therefore gives rise to the risk that important values will be dismissed as minor interests or mere preferencesâ. She notes that this will often mean that the situation is âreduced to stark and simplistic dilemmasâ whereby âthe normative significance of the losing claim is thereby diminishedâ. The claimant is left with an impossible compromise: they either must leave their religious identity at the door of the workplace or school or they have to go elsewhere to a workplace or school which accommodates their religious needs. The âeither/orâ approach results in a stalemate whereby compromises, whether pragmatic or principled, cannot be made. The result is that differences are entrenched and there are clear winners and losers.
This âbinaryâ approach is underpinned by the failure to accept that believers will owe allegiances both to their religion and to the âsecularâ world (together with an assumption that a neat dividing line can be drawn between the two). It fails to recognise how people themselves will decide what their beliefs are and how to manifest them. It does not appreciate that religious beliefs will differ between co-religionists and that a direct, causal link from creedal assent to behaviour cannot be assumed. These failings can also be seen in the hysterical responses to the continued existence of religious courts and tribunals, following the 2008 lecture by the then Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams.16 The media reaction was invariably framed in âbinaryâ terms: it was a question of either becoming an Islamic State or prohibiting all forms of religious tribunals.17 These knee-jerk reactions miss the point by presenting simply an âall or nothingâ option. That is not the question. The question is in what situations should religious norms be upheld under English law giving proper respect not only to the autonomy of the religious group but also, crucially, to the agency of those within religious groups. The simplistic âall or nothingâ approach that is frequently taken ignores the fact that religious legal systems and their norms already exist. Instead of creating a dialogue with those who seek to use such systems, it is assumed that all religious legal systems are beyond the pale. This has the effect of distancing and antagonising those people, frustrating any chance of dialogue and compromise. Those who sought to use such tribunals are treated as if they are a homogenous group and are regarded as the âotherâ. And they are given the âbinaryâ ultimatum of âeither your citizenship rights or your religionâ.
The Fact of âJoint Governanceâ
These arguments are helpfully elucidated in the work of Ayelet Shachar, particularly her monograph Multicultural Jurisdictions (Shachar, 2001), elements of which were cited by the then Archbishop of Canterbury in his lecture (Williams, 2008). Shachar argued that, although some secularists object to the very existence of religious tribunals, for most critics the âproblemâ with religious tribunals is what she refers to as the âparadox of multicultural vulnerabilityâ (Shachar, 2001: 3). This refers to the fear that some users of religious tribunals are denied the citizenship rights that they would normally enjoy under âsecularâ law.18 This might occur, for example, where the religious norms or law differ from that of the State as regards gender roles or sexual orientation.19 While it is important not to overplay the âparadox of multicultural vulnerabilityâ,20 Shacharâs identification of the paradox requires us to attempt a more ambitious and realistic solution than simply concluding that we should abandon any attempt to enhance the autonomy of minority cultures.21 It requires us to focus on the agency of those who use religious tribunals and to regard them as âcitizen-insidersâ.22 Shacharâs work urges us to recognise that these citizen-insiders are b...