The New British

The Impact of Culture and Community on Young Pakistanis

Ikhlaq Din

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN: 9780754640479
• eBook ISBN: 9781317023012
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

Providing empirical evidence on the lives of young British-born Pakistanis, The New British also reveals fascinating insights into the Pakistani community more generally. Using Bradford as a case study, Ikhlaq Din focuses on the relationship between young boys and girls, their parents, and the Pakistani community. He discusses various issues that are important to young people, such as: their experience of school; their aspirations; their identity; their attitude to community; their relationships with parents; the tensions between Islam and popular culture and the role Islam plays in the wider Pakistani community. The impact of broader national and international events such as 9/11 and 7/7 on the lives of young British-born Pakistanis is also considered.

Chapter 1 The Context of the Research

DOI: 10.4324/9781315555232-1

Introduction

This book examines the experiences of British-born young people of Pakistani origin and, who were between the ages of fourteen and nineteen living in Bradford at the time. The research had particular focus on the relationship between young boys/girls, their parents and the Pakistani community. It examined issues such as the experience of school, aspirations, identity, popular culture, the experience of community, relationships with parents and the tensions between Islam and culture. This book explores issues of power and control within this community; exploring the activities of individual lives. It examines the importance and the influence of culture in relation to Islam; and the role it plays in the wider group of the Pakistani community and specifically with the young people in Bradford, in terms of the distinctions between generations, i.e. how an ‘alien’ culture adapts to a new culture.

A number of studies have explored the extent of ‘Asian’ (or Pakistani) migration and settlement across various geographical towns and cities (see Khan, 1974, 1979; Anwar, 1979; Shaw, 1988, 1994; Werbner, 1990). Some have had a particular focus on employment and housing issues (in particular Dahya, 1974; Werbner and Anwar, 1991; Anwar, 1991). Measuring the economic position of communities is easier to determine; what is more difficult is to examine the experiences and attitudes of young people towards their parents/elders; their community and the wider British society.

There is an enormous amount of published work on the early immigrants (Rose et al, 1969; Dahya, 1974; Khan 1979). Rose et al (1969) is a good starting point for cultural studies relating to the Pakistani community. Rose explored issues such as the need to recruit labour immigrants to meet the needs of the British economy and the settlement process of the early immigrants in textile cities like Bradford. In addition he explored the problems encountered, such as obtaining suitable accommodation, access to public services, integration and the problems of adapting to a very different way of life. The experiences of families of early settlers joining their husbands in the United Kingdom have also, to an extent, been explored. This shows close-knit family ties which exist in Pakistani families, arranged marriages, biraderi and gender inequalities in Pakistani households (Khan, 1979).

There is a need to understand the viewpoints of young people themselves as opposed to their parents or elders ‘speaking on their behalf’. This is often the case in most communities and this community is no exception. This was one flaw in the many reports that followed the disturbances in 1995 in Bradford and in the northern towns and cities in 2001. The views of the young people themselves were often overlooked. Where the opinions of parents and community elders have been aired publicly, for example during the Halal meat demonstrations or during the Rushdie affair, the opinions of young people have often been ignored or overlooked for the purposes of inquiries and reports. There is still a need to examine the attitudes of young people by using empirical evidence rather than relying on secondary sources or, worse, subjective opinions. This lack of empirical research has prevented a better understanding of the particular nature of the Pakistani community, or indeed a clearly defined minority group in England. Bradford has its own peculiarities but it can also be deemed typical of others. There is the inevitable complexity of the ‘Pakistani community’ that needs to be unravelled to provide a greater understanding of this community and, indeed, how we conduct ethnographic research into other minority and majority communities.

A major turning point was the disturbances in the Manningham area of Bradford during the summer of 1995. The disturbances marked a change as, until then, the Pakistani community had remained on the whole closed to the ‘outside’. The disturbances, and the many reports that soon followed, drew attention to inter-generational conflict within the Pakistani community. However the Bradford Commission report into the 1995 disturbances concentrated mainly on the role of the local police in Manningham, rather than on the people and communities. When we actually look closer we know little about the community. The Bradford Commission unwittingly emphasized the need to conduct research on the second generation of Pakistani people in Bradford and their culture, to see whether this position has changed in contemporary Bradford and, if so, how it has changed. More specifically, there is a need to investigate the experiences and the attitudes of young Pakistani children living in Bradford, as an example of the wider community. Some of the later reports into the disturbances in 2001 highlighted issues of segregation and deprivation of some minority ethnic communities and, in particular, the Pakistanis.

The issue of intergenerational conflict or tensions is common in most communities (majority and minority) and this community is no exception. There is an assumption that the experience of different generations is similar in some respects and different in others. Some of the earlier findings still hold good but are to some extent mitigated by time, and the erosion of such extreme attitudes can be seen as defensiveness. We cannot, however, fully understand the present circumstances without taking into account the traditions and the experiences of the immigrants. This suggests that some things have changed the position of children of immigrants who are born and raised in Britain and the different levels of adjustment by different minority ethnic communities, i.e. Indian, Bangladeshi. Another issue brought to the attention of most was that of institutional racism. It was not deemed that it was only individuals who perpetrated racism but institutions also who had an important role to play.

There is another issue of importance surrounding ‘ethnic data’. There are those who argue that we need statistics, for example as to the number of Pakistanis or Muslims living in the United Kingdom or in a particular city. Some of the problems are obvious because this is likely to produce an extensive breakdown; the Pakistani community (like others) is not homogeneous and there are enormous differences among ‘Pakistanis’ that include variations in language, culture, identity and religious differences. We need to be clear as to the purpose of such data and how it will be used. The danger is that information may be used simply to mark out distinctions (or differences between groups) based on ethnic and racial grounds.

Settlement of Pakistanis: Bradford

Bradford is often described as a multi-cultural city, which has a long history of people arriving from Asia, Europe and Africa. This trend has continued with the new arrivals such as asylum seekers coming from Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. Bradford is seen as a rich cultural capital of Britain. As a result of the settlement process, ethnically diverse communities have appeared. Some parts of Bradford are seen as ‘Pakistani’ or ‘Asian’ areas, for example the University ward; Great Horton, Lidget Green, Little Horton, West Bowling, Leeds Road, while closely surrounding districts such as Wibsey, Queensbury and Thornton are seen as very White/English areas. Other districts such as Thornbury are more ‘mixed’. This should not suggest that areas are exclusively home to one minority ethnic group, some are mixed. The important point is that some residents of Bradford (and those outside of the district) make these distinctions based on ethnic or racial grounds. This does not suggest that Asians/Pakistanis live exclusively only in poor areas or deprived areas, for example the prosperous area of Heaton has a large number of Pakistani residents.

The overwhelming majority of Pakistanis (young and old) have an attachment to Bradford. For many older Pakistanis, who arrived in the late 1950s and early 60s, ‘Bradford is Mirpur’ is their ‘home from home’. For the young generations of Pakistanis it is their home. Bradford is traditionally seen by Pakistanis as a good place to live, with relatively cheap housing and opportunities for business and enterprise that some young people wish to exploit. Something which was highlighted by young people was that Bradford had changed considerably since when their parents first arrived in the UK in the late 1950s and early 60s. One area where enormous change has occurred is in the employment market or the shortage of suitable jobs. For those who left school with few qualifications the textile industry was seen as secure long-term employment. The closing down of textile mills in the 1970s and 80s, which provided employment to thousands of newly arrived immigrant men, had an enormous effect on Bradford and its residents (a similar story to many other textile towns). New industries had not been developed to cater for those seeking employment.

Although Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford still has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well such places as Tower Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born outside the European Union (National Census, 2001). The majority of the population of Bradford is White (78.3 per cent); Asians or Asian-British account for 18.9 per cent, of which 14.5 per cent are Pakistanis. In terms of religion, the majority of those in the district describe themselves as being Christian (60.1 per cent) and Muslims account for 16.1 per cent of the residents. However, a number of those in the district have ‘no religion’ (13.3 per cent) (National Census, 2001).

Social Exclusion in Bradford

After coming into power in 1997 the Labour Government made it a pledge to tackle social exclusion of young people by establishing the Social Exclusion Unit. This was a step in the right direction in tackling inequalities faced by young people. There is an enormous amount of literature which points to social exclusion of young people. For example the study by Britton et al (2002; JRF) found significant numbers of 16–17-year-olds disengaged from education, employment and training; many are unknown to the Careers Service and nearly half the sample had been excluded from school.

Furlong and Cartmel (2004) found that most young men had left school without any qualifications and had spent time on Youth Training, and the opportunities available tended to be temporary and short-term work. Young men were looking for job security (see also Johnson and Burden, 2003). Others point to the social exclusion and inequality faced by members of minority ethnic communities (Modood et al, 1997; Chahal, 2004). They are much more likely when compared to White groups to live in sub-standard housing in parts of inner cities, more likely to be unemployed or when employed to be in semi-skilled or unskilled occupations. They also face discrimination in other fields such as in education (Osler, 2002; Davis et al, 2002), health and social services (Mir, 2000; Vernon, 2002). This deprivation can also lead to poorer health outcomes: for example the actual prevalence of learning disabilities between years 5 and 34 among the minority ethnic groups is three times higher than compared to White groups (Emerson et al, 1997). This is related to social and economic deprivation (Emerson and Robertson, 2002).

Pakistani Muslims settled in various parts of the United Kingdom, Bradford has one of the highest concentrations of Pakistani/Muslims in the country (and more than any other Yorkshire and Humber region). Bradford is one of many towns and cities that have ethnically diverse populations in terms of religion as well as geographical location, for example Tower Hamlets, Birmingham and Slough (National Census, 2001). The Bradford area also has one of the highest numbers of individuals who were born outside the European Union (National Census, 2001). The total population of Bradford is 467,000, although more people leave than come to Bradford. The district has more births (88 per cent of Bradford’s residents were born in the UK) than deaths as well as continuing immigration, particularly from South Asia, which adds to the population. The majority of the population of Bradford is White (78.3 per cent); Asians or Asian-British account for 18.9 per cent, of which 14.5 per cent are Pakistanis.

Bradford has a young population compared to the national trend. The district has 33,240 (7 per cent) 0-4-year-olds compared to the national average of 6 per cent. This also applies to the 5-15 year-olds: the district has 76,097 (16 per cent) compared to the national average of 14 per cent (National Census, 2001). This trend is likely to continue. The Muslim population of the UK stands at 687,592 (National Census, 2001) (originated from Mirpur, Pakistan). Further, the UK Muslim population is increasing with large numbers of young people, 33.8 per cent of Muslims are aged 0–15 years compared to the national average 20.2 per cent. Fifty per cent of Muslims are aged 25 years or less compared to the national average of 31 per cent (National Census, 2001).

A total of 35.1 per cent of the district’s population have no qualifications, compared to the English average of 29.1 per cent. Bradford also has a lower than average number of people qualified to degree level or higher when compared to the English average (15.9 per cent and 19.8 per cent respectively) (National Census, 2001). Bradford and district has the region’s third largest economy and accounts for 9 per cent of all employment (BMDC, 2003). A total of 56.5 per cent of the district’s population is employed, compared to the English average of 60.6 per cent. In total 4.4 per cent of the population is unemployed, which is higher than the English average of 3.4 per cent. In terms of occupation concentration Muslims tend to be found in manufacturing, distribution and hotels and restaurants trades and are less likely to be in professional-type occupations compared both to the White British and other minority groups, for example the Indians (National Census, 2001). Muslims have lower rates of participation in employment than Whites but are more likely to be self-employed (Annual Local Area Labour Force Survey, 2001/02).

The Index of Multiple Deprivation 2004 shows that Bradford is the fifth most deprived local authority in England. The total number of people unemployed in the district is 8,307 (rate of 2.9 per cent) this is higher compared to the national rate of 2.4 per cent. There are gender differences; the number of male claimants in March 2005 was 6,443 showing a rate of 4.3 per cent compared to the national rate of 3.4 per cent. Compare this to 1,864 (1.3 per cent) of females unemployed, which is the same rate as the national average (1.3 per cent). There are significant differences in the unemployment rate by Ward. For example the Bowling (5.5 per cent), Little Horton (6.2 per cent), Toller (4.7 per cent), Undercliffe (5.1 per cent) and University (4.2 per cent) all have higher unemployment rates than the Bradford district average of 2.9 per cent (BMDC, 2005). These Wards also have a high number of minority ethnic populations. The unemployment rate differs enormously among the Bradford population. Pakistanis are more likely to be unemployed than the White population but also when compared to other minority ethnic groups. Youth unemployment in Bradford accounts for 33.4 per cent of all unemployment; this is higher than both the regional (32.8 per cent) and UK (30.7 per cent) figures (BMDC, 2005). Bradford also has a higher than the English average of owner-occupied properties (71.7 per cent and 68.9 per cent respectively) (National Census, 2001). Pakistani households are larger compared to the national picture (4.7 and 2.3 persons respectively).

The Index of Multiple Deprivation 2000 shows that Bradford district is one of the most deprived wards in the UK. There is enormous evidence that links deprivation to poor health outcomes. For example life expectancy in Bradford (73.5) is lower than compared to the national average (75.2). Bradford has a significantly higher rate of cancers (142.9 per 100,000 under-75s) than England (130.6) as a whole. The mortality rate from circulatory diseases in people aged under 75 per 100,000 population in Bradford (146.4) is also higher than the national average (120.4). The Bradford district has the second highest infant mortality rate with 8.4 deaths per 1,000 live births compared to the national average (5.7).

Bradford is a centre of enterprise and entrepreneurship and is home to hundreds of Asian/Pakistani businesses. Pakistani business has come a long way since the late 1950s and a far cry from when Rose et al (1969) reported a small number of Pakistani-owned businesses in Bradford. All kinds of goods and services are provided by Pakistani businesspeople. Many are small traders and run by family members which ensures stability and continuity, as well as keeping costs down. Wages are often kept low because family members are at times paid less, especially when the business may not be doing well. It is also about reliability, especially when the owner may be on holiday the son or the brother will take charge. All members of the family own a share in the business.

Much of this has been possible because of the work ethic of Pakistanis and the desire to succeed, which is as strong as when they first arrived in the UK. Most work very long hours and it is not untypical for the Pakistani greengrocer to be up at 4am, visit the wholesaler, open by 8am and remain open till 9 in the evening or the Pakistani-owned newsagent to work from 7am to 8pm. Never mind the Pakistani-owned corner shop which stereotypically ‘never seems to close’ and sells everything and anything. This is not unique to Bradford but is typical of many towns and cities across the UK.

9/11 and 7/7

Two events will mark a new turning point in world history and international relations: the 9/11 attacks and the 7/7 London bombings. For some these events illustrate the rise of militancy and the determination to challenge this emergence.

On September 11, 2001 a series of suicide attacks against the Unite...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half-Title Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• Acknowledgements
• 1 The Context of the Research
• 2 Methods: Conducting Research on the Pakistani Community
• 3 The Land of Dreams
• 4 From Manningham to Burnley to Oldham: What Should We Learn?
• 5 The Selection of School
• 6 The Experience of School
• 7 Too Many Aspirations?
• 8 The New British
• 9 Boyzone and Bhangra: The Place of Popular and Pakistani Culture
• 10 The Experience of Parents and the Biraderi
• 11 Institutionalized Racism? Gangs and Ethnic Minorities
• 12 Islam and the Infl uence of Culture
• 13 Conclusion
• Bibliography
• Author Index
• Subject Index