This volume brings together a range of chapters, written by new and established scholars, that present original research and analysis into the subjects and practices that constitute the phenomenon of global metal music and culture. But what exactly is global metal music and culture? When did it begin? Is it possible to define it? Study it? And by what range of means? Following on from this, what exactly is âmetal studiesâ? How is it defined? Where did it come from? what is its connection to the subject it studies? This introductory chapter will explore the range of possible answers to these questions, beginning with the heavy metal music genre and its complex relationship to economic and media globalization processes, history, culture, and the academy.
Following on from this, it will outline how and why the contemporary study of this global music and cultural phenomenon ended up being called âmetal studiesâ and how this is itself tied up with an older history of academic neglect or conflict over the value or legitimacy of metal music and its culture(s) that has (have), in a number of ways, led to its emergence. We will then go on to set out for the reader the ways in which we have organized the book and the major themes it addresses, as well as provide an outline of each chapter and its contribution to the section theme and the wider study of global metal music and culture.
Global Metal: From Heavy Metal World Tours to the Extreme Metal Underground
A number of the chapters gathered here began life as research papers presented at the 2011 Heavy Metal and Place international academic conference. The conference was part of the Home of Metal project, originally a fan-initiative to create an archive of memorabilia, such as band merchandise, concert tickets, album covers, and the like, which was taken up and supported by West Midlandâs Capsule arts media (Trilling, 2007). The Home of Metal project was laudable in its intentions to narrate and thereby legitimate the narratives and âstoriesâ of ordinary fans. But inevitably, such a project was at least in part driven by a desire to reclaim heavy metal music and culture as a reflection of a particular British regional identity. Or as the Birmingham Post put it, âFor too long Birmingham and the West Midlands have failed to celebrate what is rightfully theirs, to claim the city and region as home of âheavy metalââ (2008). While millions of heavy metal fans over the decades and around the globe have celebrated the bands Black Sabbath and Judas Priest1 that emerged from this region as central to the formation of the genre style, this statement is not simply a belated endorsement of that fandom or a claim on the musicâs origins as traceable to a regional âhomeâ. Rather it echoes a recognizably contemporary discourse that surrounds the cultural politics and economics of globalization in an era of neo-liberalism, one that speaks of âregional music scenesâ, of symbolic âspacesâ and âplacesâ, national âheritage locationsâ, or even âmusic citiesâ as part of a national policy of the âglobal-localâ (Lashua, Spracklen, and Wagg, 2014; Bennett, 2009).
According to the organizers, the HoM project was conceived as âcelebration of the music that was born in the Black Country and Birminghamâ and was aimed at âa broad audience, from music fans, social history enthusiasts to cultural touristsâ (HoM, 2011).
Loved the world over, Heavy Metal in its many forms had its roots in Birmingham and the Black Country. But you wouldnât know to visit it. Nary a plaque, tour or tea towel marked one of the regionâs most prolific cultural exports [âŚ] Four decades since Heavy Metal was unleashed onto an unsuspecting world, Home of Metal honors a truly global musical phenomenon (ibid.).
Daniel Trilling, reporting in the New Statesman, makes a similar claim to the effect that âHeavy metal was born in the West Midlands, and has developed a global following matched only in hip-hop. Itâs time to stop sneering and celebrate this proud cultural heritageâ (2007). But, as Gerd Bayer suggests, the globalization of metal marked a âturning point [after which] heavy metal somehow stopped being a particular British traditionâ (2009, p. 2). How are we to disentangle these apparently contradictory claims?
First, the origins of the heavy metal genre are contested, not only in respect to whether Black Sabbath is the originator of the genre but also whether the bandâs regional location was the significant factor in the codification of heavy metalâs meta-genre characteristics.2 While there is no shortage of claims that the urban, working class location of the band and the surrounding industrial milieu (Harrison, 2010; Phillipov, 2011, p. 55; Weinstein, 2014) gave rise to a musical style that was âsteeped in rageâ (Cope, 2010, p. 97), this is a relatively recent view, one that is itself part of a retrospective re-evaluation of heavy metal. Or as Ewing put it, apparently on behalf of rock critics in general, âHow wrong we were about Black Sabbathâ (2010). Reynolds, commenting on the re-release of Sabbathâs 70s albums, goes further: âCriticism always lags behind new art forms, appraising it using terminology and techniques appropriate to earlier genres [but] over the long haul Sabbathâs originality and fertility have been vindicatedâ (2004, p. 90).
Second, and consistent with this perspective, the globalization of heavy metal has only recently been viewed as a culturally significant phenomenon. Prior to this, the international impact of the genre in territories beyond the British/North American and latterly European context was viewed unequivocally (when it was noted at all) by popular music, media, and cultural studies scholars as part of the cultural imperialism and hegemonic domination of Western media products over non-Western populations, as evidenced in the popularity of Western film, music, and television productions in international charts, cinema, and cable-television schedules (Tunstall, 1977). The subsequent shift in scholarly debates from the âtop downâ cultural domination and consequent âhomogenizationâ (Ritzer, 1993) of local and regional cultures, to a more complex view of differentiated reception, regional variation, and evidence of local adaptation and even âresistanceâ to Western hegemony (Lull, 1995; Robertson, 1995), largely ignored heavy metal in favor of studies of the global-local impact of hip-hop, punk, and electronic dance music subcultures, scenes, and neo-tribes (Mitchell, 2001; Bennett, 2000; 2015, pp. 223â225; St. John, 2009; cf. Phillipov, 2011).
Nevertheless, it is plausible to argue that the genre trajectory of heavy metal music and its global cultural impact more closely approximates the narratives of the cultural imperialism thesis and the media globalization and global-local theories that have largely replaced it than any other genre-style. For a start, heavy metal, along with âprog rockâ and singer-songwriter/folk Americana, was one of the most successful popular music genres of the 1970sânot just in terms of record sales but also in terms of North American and international touring revenues (Brown, 2015).
This pattern, if anything, accelerated in the 1980s with bands such as Iron Maiden, on the back of successful UK and North American album releases, embarking on âWorld Toursâ. For example, their August 1984âJuly 1985 âWorld Slavery Tourâ included over 300 shows in 28 countries, including dates in East European cities âbehind the Iron Curtainâ, culminating in a concert in front of 250,000 at the first Rock in Rio festival in Brazil (Wall, 2001, p. 253). Indeed, Maidenâs tour of Poland was âgreeted in the metal press as proof of the existence of an international metal communityâ (Weinstein, 2000, p. 120). Weinsteinâs description of the international advance in popularity of the genreâfirst emergent in Germany, then the Scandinavian countries, forming smaller enclaves within, Italy, France, and Spain, then Poland because of more liberal policies on culture, but by the late 1980s spreading throughout the former Soviet bloc countries; while in the global-South it strongly emerges in South America in the mid-1980s, including Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina (op cit, pp. 118â120)âdoes sometimes read like strategic markers on a cultural-imperialist map; while her statement to the effect that the genre is: âfound in every part of the world where there is an industrial working class and is more ubiquitous than McDonaldâsâ (Weinstein, 2011, p. 41), echoes but does not confirm Ritzerâs thesis (1993). Certainly by the mid-â90s heavy metalâs popularity was clearly to be found across the Pacific Rim countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore, in particular) (Wallach, 2011), the Indian sub-continent, Turkey (Hecker, 2012), the Middle East (LeVine, 2008) and China (Wong, 2011).
So, has heavy metal music âconquered...