CHAPTER 1
The Pursuit of Power:
Death, Dying and the Quest for Social Control in the Palatinate, 1547ā1610
Ruth Atherton
Death was a powerful and emotive force in the early modern period, with large amounts of literature, art and music devoted to the processes of dying, death and burial. Whilst the ars moriendi have received attention from scholars, there remains much work to be done on the social, cultural and political impact of the Reformation on death in local areas. With its focus on how the spiritual ministry of the dying and bereaved was handled in the Electoral Palatinate, this chapter offers an exploratory examination of how such care fits into the ātop-downā approach of confessionalization and the social disciplining activities of rulers.1 It does so through an analysis of the church orders (Kirchenordnungen) published by the Palatine Electors between 1547 and 1601. The chapter contributes to a broader understanding of how the processes of dying, death, burial and commemoration were addressed in early modern Europe.
After the first Lutheran church order appeared in the Empire in 1525, there was a rapid increase in numbers during the 1530s and 1540s and the first church order to appear in the Palatinate was in 1547 during the rule of Friedrich II (r.1544ā56).2 Church orders were drawn up by leading theologians who aimed to encourage the reform of worship, doctrine and education and were endorsed ā indeed, often commissioned ā by the local ruler. They included varying degrees of instruction on the many duties and occasions that pastors would be required to undertake and participate in on a regular basis; for instance, there were instructions on how to conduct baptisms and weddings, holy day services, how to minister to prisoners, and they occasionally contained catechisms. Church orders offered suggestions for daily prayers, sermons with relevant Bible readings, and some even provided specific scripts to be read to the congregation or to individual parishioners at specific junctures in life. Though religious in context, church orders were fundamentally political documents because, despite being drawn up by leading Reformers, they only became legally binding when issued by the secular ruler in his name.3 Further, church orders provided the legal framework for the new faith and included rules regarding poor relief, marriage and so on. Traditionally, historians have attempted to group church orders into āfamiliesā with a shared original source, although recent research has questioned both the number of such āfamiliesā, and even whether this type of grouping is possible.4
Regardless of any familial links, church ordinances became important vehicles for religious and moral education and also for promoting confessional uniformity. At the same time, they reveal clashes between the aims of the authors and their secular patrons as well as exposing the ways in which author and patron attempted to overcome popular resistance to religious change. Essentially, the Protestant authors (both Lutheran and Reformed) wanted the rudiments of their faiths to be absorbed into society. Yet, mindful of their reliance on secular authorities whose patronage and support was vital, as well as the reluctance of the general populace to forgo the often dramatic rituals they associated with piety, they were forced to temper their reforming zeal.5 For their part, the temporal elite were keen to extend their territorial power and encourage obedience from their subjects, including the Church; but again, there was only so much the ruler could try to force onto an unreceptive populace through a potentially unwilling and unlearned local pastor. Palatinate church orders represent the joint efforts made by both the Church and Elector to create a confessionally united, devout and obedient populace and the careful analysis of their content allows us to infer the perceived grassroots level responses to the religious upheavals that occurred throughout the territory.
The processes of dying and the subsequent funeral were excellent opportunities for teaching and instruction. They offered reformers the chance to impress key tenets of the faith onto the laity as well as the clergy, but they also demonstrate the ways in which entrenched social customs could collide with the new teachings. Concomitantly, while the authors of church orders saw the pastoral care of the sick and dying as a way to root out the superstitious and pagan practices which they believed the Catholic Church had allowed to flourish, the priority for temporal rulers was to exert control and implement confessional uniformity among their subjects.6 Finally, the Protestant Reformation collided with ā and encouraged ā a cultural shift which gradually saw greater emphasis being placed upon the laity to be responsible for their own salvation. The sensual piety of late-medieval Catholicism was challenged with the onset of the Reformation, which stressed that God was present spiritually but was not āapproachable physically or susceptible of manipulation by humankindā.7 Thus dramatic displays of devotion were discouraged and the traditional methods of ritual consolation were declared inadequate either to secure salvation or reassure one of it. The laity therefore expected their pastors to be able to console them with words and sacraments as well as rituals (such as the Lordās Supper) and the church orders attempted to arm the clergy with clear directions on how to console appropriately.8
As a research topic, Ronald Rittgers surmises that scholars have mainly focused on the importance of church ordinances āin the eventual hegemony of temporal rulers over the Protestant Church and the concomitant promotion of confessional uniformity, moral discipline, and a reinvigorated patriarchalismā.9 Jeffrey Jaynes has argued that āadopting a church order represented a critical aspect of confession building, or confessionalizationā.10 Church orders have been used to advocate aspects of the confessionalization paradigm but, as Lincoln Mullen recently appraised, there is scant work analysing in depth the confessional documents themselves.11 This present work will add to the growing body of literature on forms of confessionalization, social control, pedagogy and indoctrination.12 Drawing on the theme of the importance of the spiritual care of the dying, this investigation will bolster the arguments of Marc Foster, Ute-Lotz Heumann and Marjorie Elizabeth Plummer that the ātop-downā approach advocated by proponents of the confessionalization paradigm does not adequately take into account how the people helped influence religious and political developments in their localities.13 Yet, whilst acknowledging the importance of popular agency, this work also recognises the validity of Susan Karant-Nunnās assessment that the emphasis placed by ruling bodies on the importance of preparing for death was not just for the good of an individualās soul but that āit was a mechanism used by the church and state for achieving that intensely sought order within the body politicā.14 Essentially, church orders reveal a conflict between popular agency and regulation of the populace that forced a form of compromise which is visible in each of the Palatine ordinances from 1547 to 1610.15 Of course, Church orders present historians with the same limitations as other vehicles of indoctrination (such as sermons and catechisms), because whilst they offer an insight into the available means of attempting to create confessional uniformity and improve education, they cannot offer a gauge of success. The prefaces of the ordinances perhaps hint at the perceived assessment of the religious, educational and moral fibre of society, but accurately appraising the mentality of the general populace remains largely beyond our grasp.16
Bestowed on the Wittelsbachs by Emperor Frederick II in 1214, the Palatinate was divided between the elder and junior branches of the family, with the former (Palatine Wittelsbachs) taking possession of the Rhine territories (Lower Palatinate) and the North Bavarian territories (Upper Palatinate). The junior branch (Bavarian Wittelsbachs) ruled the remaining Bavarian districts. There was fierce rivalry between the two branches over the coming centuries, and by the early sixteenth century the Bavarian Wittelsbachs had won a major victory over their Palatine relations in the Landshut War of Succession (1503ā5), which enabled them to take possession of a number of Rhenish holdings. The territorial weakening of the Palatine Wittelsbachs, along with the danger posed by their Bavarian kin to the Electoral title, meant that the Electors were acutely aware of the political dangers of conflict and wanted to maintain good relations with the Habsburgs.17 Additionally, Elector Ludwig V (r.1508ā44) had designs on episcopal benefices for his younger brothers and was thus keen to remain on good terms with Rome.18 Consequently, despite the infiltration of Lutheranism into the Palatine lands beginning in the 1520s, it was not until 1545 that positive signs of a move towards Lutheranism can be seen, with Elector Friedrich II (r.1544ā56) and his wife, Dorothea, receiving communion in both kinds at Easter.19
Lutheranism was formally recognised in the Palatinate in 1546 when, after seeking approval from his nobles in April, Friedrich II published a series of edicts legalising the new faith. The first Palatine Lutheran church order was published the following year; significantly, however, without Friedrichās name.20 Irrespective of his own personal allegiance to Lutheranism, Friedrich was mindful of the political ramifications of publically embracing the new faith. During the Schmalkaldic War (1546ā47), Friedrich had been guilty of assisting the Protestant Duke of Württemberg causing the Catholic Emperor, Charles V, to view him as an enemy. Upon the Emperorās victory, Friedrich had to beg for mercy to prevent the loss of his Electoral status and was forced to support Charles at the Diet of Augsburg. The resulting Interim of Augsburg (1548) required the restoration of Catholic practices, yet despite Friedrichās acceptance it was not actively implemented in his lands. Even after the Emperorās defeat in the Princesā War in 1552 and the subsequent Treaty of Passauās de facto legalisation of Protestantism, Friedrich did not publicly reinstate Lutheranism as the official religion of the Palatinate. Equally, however, he did not revoke the church order or publish an edited version, suggesting that he remained keen to see the advancement of Lutheranism in his lands. The lack of a firm direction left the Palatine churches in chaos with āevery priest doing what was right in his own eyes, or what his congregation would suffer him to doā.21 It has been suggested that Friedrich was wary of Charlesās wrath and did not want to risk losing his Electoral status as nearly happened in 1547. Regardless, his hesitancy in adopting an outright Lutheran policy has seen him marked out by historians as being more concerned with political considerations than his own personal convictions.22
The succession of Ottheinrich (r.1556ā59) witnessed a far more determined step towards Lutheranism.23 The visitation conducted at the end of 1556 revealed a church in turmoil with inadequate clergy and āconsiderable remnants of the old faithā.24 It is unsurprising, then, that his church order (1556) lamented that āknowledge of the correct true worship, pure teaching and the guiding principles of salvation have unfortunately been lacking for a long timeā.25 Fritz HauĆ asserted that Ottheinrichās church order helped shape the Reformation in both the court at Heidelberg and throughout his lands, although a priest from Kleinalfalterbach in Deining reported as late as 1562 that āthe old papist...