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Part I
Locating community in 21st century leisure
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Chapter 1
The enduring relevance of third places
Bradley H. Camp and Rudy Dunlap
Once simply taken for granted as an inevitability of ageing, social isolation has recently been recognized as a significant public health challenge, the prevalence and effects of which are on par with conditions such as heart disease or diabetes (Holt-Lundstad, Smith, Baker, Harris, & Stephenson, 2015). Loosely defined as lacking a sense of social belonging and a set of fulfilling relationships, social isolation affects one-third of adults over the age of 45 in the United States (Wilson & Moulton, 2010) Indeed, even when accounting for the protective effects of factors such as income, education, and age, social isolation poses a health risk to individuals that is comparable to that of smoking cigarettes (Holt-Lundstad et al., 2015).
As suggested by rising rates of social isolation, Americans have favoured individualistic approaches to leisure that have accompanied a broader disengagement in political, religious, and civic institutions (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler & Tipton, 1985; Putnam, 2000). As detailed by Putnam (2000), Americansâ disengagement has resulted from numerous societal transformations including the succession of generations, the adoption of television, and the suburbanization of the built landscape. From 1950 to 1996 the number of Americans living in suburbs doubled, while the amount in rural or metropolitan areas decreased (Putnam, 2000). This suburban sprawl was the direct result of policies, programmes, and initiatives to shape American towns into segregated functions (i.e. housing subdivisions, shopping centres, office parks). Government programmes for housing and highways promoted sprawl after World War II, and zoning laws were made to fit nicely with suburbanization (Duany, Plater-Zyberk & Speck, 2000), an ideology that reshaped both the physical and social landscapes of America. Of the many changes wrought by suburbanization, perhaps its most damaging was the disappearance of so-called third places, the function of which is to facilitate informal, face-to-face sociability amongst residents of a community.
Oldenburg (1999) characterized third places as environments outside the home (the first place) and the workplace (the second place) that offer welcoming settings in which to spend free time with friends, neighbours, and fellow residents. He also argued that these spaces benefit the individual, but also the community by allowing members to meet each other in a casual setting such that they may establish and nurture relationships with one another. Such a characterization conjures nostalgic images of neighbours unhurriedly conversing at the local coffee shop, and in doing so, the third place concept presents itself as the natural remedy to an epidemic of loneliness and social isolation (Meshi, Cotton, & Bender, 2019). But as gratifying as the third place antidote feels, is it still relevant in the age of seamless digital connection? Are there still benefits to be had from regular face-to-face interactions in public settings? What might a modern third place look like and what types of benefits might its participants experience? Finally, is there any evidence that suggests these places address the ill effects of social isolation? Provoked by these questions, this study used an ethnographic approach to explore a purported third place: The Village Pub.
Third places
Where domestic and workplace interactions are freighted with numerous role-based obligations (e.g. productivity, care-giving), third places offer users opportunities for sociability and relationship formation that are relatively free from such ulterior motives (Oldenburg, 1999), though not beyond the reach of other social categories, as we shall discuss below. As such, prototypical third places (e.g. cafĂ©s, pubs, barber shops) allow individuals to express facets of themselves that may be intentionally or unintentionally hidden in other contexts (Oldenburg, 1999). Such self-expression is accomplished via the principal activity of third places, namely conversation, though such conversation is often nested in various recreational activities, such as playing cards or knitting (Cheang, 2002; Hawkins & Ryan, 2013). In Oldenburgâs (1999) presentation of the concept, third places are meant to be relatively accessible to outsiders, but also populated by regulars who integrate newcomers and regulate whatever loose norms the group adheres to.
As such, third places are conceptualized as sites of shared leisure practice that reflect values and ideals held in common (Arai & Pedlar, 2003). Thus in addition to individual benefits, several scholars have presented this conceptualization as a normative ideal that could potentially foster civic engagement, and strengthen stocks of social capital (Glover & Hemingway, 2005; Hemingway, 1999). Several leisure scholars have taken notice and offered fascinating accounts of unique environments that provide a sense of belonging, a network of friends, and that generally bring people together around a common interest (Dunlap, 2009; Glover & Parry, 2009; Johnson & Samdahl, 2005; Mair, 2009). Thus, in the context of third places, leisure is a prime platform for addressing social isolation in that it provides the opportunity for residents to choose to participate in shared practice (Glover, 2018; Hemingway, 1999). Such studies help identify ways to facilitate shared leisure practices, and in so doing may help restore social connections, trust, and mutual understandings in our communities.
Setting
Nestled in the Inglewood neighbourhood of East Nashville, The Village Pub resides within a small pocket of commercial development known as Riverside Village, which is home to a gas station, a record store, a Japanese restaurant, a barbeque joint, a deli, and an ice cream/coffee shop. This small commercial district, including the Pub, sits at a subtle border between two neighbourhood types: the denser, more walkable portions of East Nashville and the more suburban, auto-centric streets of Inglewood. The surrounding streets are a hodgepodge of 1930s and 1940s bungalows and modern infill duplexes. Aligning with the older portions of the neighbourhood, the Pub itself is a renovated bungalow, the family room of which has been converted into a U-shaped bar, which is the focal point of the establishment. Adjacent rooms that were once a dining room, a sitting room, and a solarium serve as more intimate spaces, while a large front porch welcomes patrons during Nashvilleâs Spring, Summer, and Fall.
Method
The lead researcher engaged in participant observation at the Pub over a period of 18 months making a conscious effort to visit at various times, days, and also sit in different locations to gain a full understanding of pub life. Numerous informal ethnographic interviews took place during data collection, and seven semi-structured interviews were audio recorded and served to bolster participant observation. The interviews always started with the participant describing his or her history with The Village Pub and featured questions such as, âWhy do you choose to spend your free time at The Village Pub instead of somewhere else? What are some of the Pubâs defining characteristics?â
Framed by the research purpose, the data were analysed in a generally inductive manner. Field notes and transcripts were reviewed and open coded such that any words or phrases that were potentially relevant to the research purpose were identified. These preliminary codes were further consolidated into focused codes and the entire data set was subjected to another round of coding. Following this second round, the focused codes were then used to group bits of data into thematic categories that reflected patterns across observations and interviews. In turn, the thematic categories served to organize the presentation of the studyâs findings.
Defining characteristics
As compared to a chain sports bar filled with a bank of televisions, the Pubâs defining characteristics is its quiet, unassuming atmosphere. The inside of the Pub is modestly decorated, kept dimly lit, the decibel level is usually low, and the floor plan is very open with many different comfortable seating options. Oldenburg (1999) described old pubs or taverns as places where the regulars and waitstaff set the tone, instead of a management team doing it for them, and that is very much the case in the Pub.
The Pub is also fairly accessible. The Pub, although located deep in the East Nashville community, is located in a residential area. The city of Nashville has received widespread attention for being a community that is on the rise (Meacham, 2014), and Lloyd (2011) depicted how East Nashville has been exposed to many redevelopment projects over the last decade which has created tensions between newer (mostly white, middle class, well-educated) and older inhabitants, (largely African-American, Latino, and Middle Eastern, working class).
The Village Pub is known for great customer service. Participants frequently cited staff friendliness as a defining characteristic of the Pub. Observations repeatedly depicted staff as providing prompt service, using first names, remembering patronsâ orders, and providing special accommodations to regulars.
Samantha: It seems like [the staff] like to be there too. I always hate it when you go to a restaurant, and I understand, I have worked in service industry too, and someone is obviously having a terrible day. I get a sense that [the staff] want to be there too. That feeds into it, that matters. It seems silly, but it matters.
Perhaps first and foremost, the Pub was accommodating. Smoking is only allowed on the porch, which seemed to work well for smokers and non-smokers alike. Also, staff would serve groups or single patrons equally well. It was not rare for someone to come alone and read in the corner, and even more often big groups would come in and rearrange tables and chairs to their liking.
Carl: I pass it on the way home from work, all sweaty and gross, and stop in anyways. It is right there, and [the staff] donât care [that he is alone or in need of a shower].
Behaviours
The main activity at The Village Pub is conversation. This is partially due to the low-key atmosphere that features only two television sets, fairly neutral music selections, and the environment the staff creates. However, it is also due to the regular patrons who come and choose to converse with others.
Paul: Sometimes I go just to see who is there, and stir up conversation.
There are rare occurrences when conversation is not the obvious main feature of Pub life. Occasionally, a couple may come in and play cards in a corner, or a group may celebrate a birthday or special occasion. Also, the Pub used to serve as the Nashville Predators fansâ bar. At the peak of hockey night, people would be seen standing shoulder to shoulder inside, would come in sports jerseys, and the Pub would be louder than normal. Also, Monday nights is âMule Nightâ, and the Pubâs house cocktails are half off. Mule Mondays are therefore very busy, and much louder than normal. However, even in these noted occurrences, conversation is still prevalent if not the main activity.
Conversation is the major activity, and the nature of those conversations is playful. Playful behaviour keeps things light, keeps things in perspective, and keeps third places as the safe place to visit others outside the home and work place (Cheang, 2002; Oldenburg, 1999). One can often hear regulars and bartenders teasing each other at the bar inside. Outside, groups often erupt in laughter as they tell stories and swap jokes.
Terry: It is almost like when one goes in there, if you are a part of a group, it is almost like a celebrity roast. We all just, in a great way, âtrash talkâ.
Meanings
The Pub was described variously as a yoga mat, social club, town hall, and community centre with beer. The Pub had several different meanings, but participants were not comfortable with labelling it just a bar. Some, like Joseph and Carl, were comfortable comparing the Pub to an English or Irish pub where neighbours would meet frequently, but most drew on examples outside of restaurants and bars to make comparisons. Patrons attached several different meanings to the Pub, but it was clear that it was viewed differently than other bars or restaurants.
Samantha: More than a bar I think. I think I could go there and have a diet coke and be happy. For me the alcohol is not the focus. As opposed to a lot of bars where the focus is the booze.
Researchers have argued that third places could serve important roles for peopleâs emotional well-being by offering a place to safely socialize (Glover & Parry, 2009; Oldenburg, 1999; Rosenbaum, 2006). Thus, these places can then become very important to people, and often people can view third places as their home away from home or talk about them in a possessive manner. The Pub had that effect on the regulars. Many felt as if the Pub was âtheirâ place, and felt that their Pub life encapsulated a lot about who they were.
Paul: I feel personal investment in the Pub. I think to me more than anything, I have become such good friends with the owners of the Pub, such good friends with the bartenders and the people who frequent the Pub, that literally most of my social life I have to owe to the Pub. I definitely feel, j...
