J. STRUNA
University of California Riverside, CA, USA
The global capitalism perspective, as it has been called by critics and contributors alike (Arrighi, 2001; Carroll and Sapinski, 2010; Chase-Dunn et al., 2005; Dicken, 2007; Embong, 2000; Harris, 2006, 2009; Moore, 2001; Robinson, 2001, 2004; Silver, 2003; Sklair, 2001, 2010; Sprague, 2009), is an emergent research program focused on theorizing and analyzing capitalist practices in the era of transnational corporations as well as the attendant social structures that make globalized capitalism possible.
While it has tended to focus on the âcommanding heightsâ (Robinson, 1996) of global social structures insofar as researchers in the field assess the formation of the transnational capitalist class (Carroll, 2010; Robinson, 2004, 2012; Sklair, 2001), a transnational state apparatus (Robinson, 2004; Robinson and Harris, 2000), elite policy networks and corporate board interlocks (Carroll and Carson, 2003; Staples, 2006), the global culture-ideology of consumerism (Sklair, 2001; Sklair and Struna, 2013, this issue), and statist globalization (Harris, 2009) the perspective is also moving in novel directions in the assessment of globalization and âtransnational class formation from belowâ (cf., Carroll, 2013; Robinson, 2006; Sklair, 2010; Struna, 2009). As the following contributions suggest, global capitalism researchers are exploring specific modalities of ideological diffusion (Sklair and Struna, 2013, this issue), patterns of governance, exploitation, and response to crisis (Patterson, 2013, this issue; Robinson, 2013, this issue), concentrations of wealth (Peetz et al., 2013, this issue) and specific policy networks attempting to make subaltern resistance actionable in the contemporary period (Carroll, 2013, this issue).
Although there is diversity of opinion within the perspective on issues ranging from the sources of class formationâfrom the stricter materialist perspective advanced by Robinson (2004) locating the core of the laborâcapital relation in the production process proper, to the more flexible, although no less critical position on dominant class formation based on elite membership networks and communities advanced by Sklair (2001)âto debates about the precise delineation of particular epochs of capitalist history, to name a few (e.g. see Harrisâs contribution to this volume relative to Robinsonâs (2004) periodization), there exists enough affinity among those who contribute to the perspective to call it a distinct research program.
For example, researchers in the perspective share a number of theoretical influences that range in some combination from works deriving from Gramscian political economy and the Italian school (Cox, 1994; Gill, 1993; Gill and Law, 1989; Gramsci, 2005 [1929â1935]; Poulantzas, 1975), to early work on economic globalization and transnational corporations (Bornschier and Chase-Dunn, 1985; Dunning, 1973; Hymer, 1976; Palloix, 1977), to world-systems or affiliated theories (Amin, 1978; Braudel, 1979; Chase-Dunn and Rubinson, 1977; Wallerstein, 1979). And, they tend to focus on transnational corporations both as the primary institutional actors responsible for the realization of transnational capitalist class interests, and as the impetus for policy changes worldwide in the contemporary (post-1970s) era. In so doing, the global capitalism school diverges on the mean from the antecedent perspectives by assessing particular political, ideological, and economic transformations associated with transnational corporationsâas opposed to general tendencies of integration characterized by world-system formation throughout capitalist history, or the continued assessment of nation-state-based patterns of accumulation characterized by other perspectives on international political economy.
To be clear, the common ground shared by members of the global capitalism school includes first, the premise that a transnational capitalist class linked to transnational corporations is dominant or ascendant economically, socially, and politically within most nation-states in the Global North and the Global South. Second, that the transnational capitalist class has consequently transformed or is transforming relations among elite groups by advancing a transnational orientation toward the accumulation of wealth and the execution of power at multiple institutional and political levels including states, transnational economic and political forums, local governments, financial and productive transnational corporations, media and cultural outlets, and policy/educational foundations. Third, that as a result of these transformations in elite attitudes and practices toward transnational structures of accumulation, subordinate social formations in local and global contexts are being articulated into global civil society in novel, complicated, and contested ways that transcend the zonal boundaries of the coreâperiphery hierarchy identified in the world-systems literature. And, finally, in keeping with the Marxian notion that good social science should reflect conditions on the ground âas if in a mirrorâ, global capitalism school researchers assert that social scientists need to move away from ânation-state-centric thinkingâ (Robinson, 2001) toward a perspective that is based on the reality of transnational processes that are beginning to overdetermine life at macro-, meso-, and, micro-social levels globally and locally.
In light of the continued unfolding of the current crisis of accumulation, worldwide popular resistance in various forms to the transnational capitalist hegemonic project, and frequent environmental shocks and dislocations, the insights offered by global capitalism theorists deserve careful consideration. Insofar as the central focus of the perspective described above is germane to understanding the potential outcomes and nuances of transnational capitalist practices and policies in the near futureâincluding the potentials for continuation, collapse, or transcendence of transnational capitalist class hegemonyâthe following essays warrant the present special issue of Globalizations.
The Prague conference on âGlobal Capitalism and Transnational Class Formationâ, 16â18 September 2011âwhence the manuscripts for the present special issue deriveâwas cosponsored by the Centre of Global Studies (Prague), the Global Studies Association of North America, and the International Sociological Association Research Committee RC02 (Economy and Society). A tangible result of 15 years of research and debate, the gathering formally announced the global capitalism perspective as a unique research area with a current network of approximately 200 scholars, and culminated in the formation of the Network for Critical Studies of Global Capitalism (Network for Critical Studies of Global Capitalism, 2013; Sklair and Timms, 2012). The conferenceâs focus on the emergent paradigm drew scholars from more than 20 countries worldwide.1
Given the wide interest in global capitalism school theory and research, we hope the present issue inspires critical reflection from both the perspectiveâs sympathizers and critics. Whether one regards transnational class formation as merely âmore of the sameâ logic of capitalist development beginning prior to the emergence of the early modern world-system (Hall and Chase-Dunn, 2006; Wallerstein, 2000) or one regards the introduction of information technology and the shipping container to global circuits of production and accumulation as the material basis for novel social relations (Dicken, 2007; Robinson, 2004), the essays below are provocative examples of global capitalism perspective scholarship.
William I. Robinsonâs impassioned and polemical exposition, âGlobal Capitalism and its Anti-âHuman Faceâ: Organic Intellectuals and Interpretations of the Crisisâ continues the global capitalism school tradition of assessing âthe ongoing and open-ended evolution of world capitalism, characterized by novel articulations of transnational social powerâ, and asserts that the outcomes of the current economic and social crisis associated with transnational capital will vary significantly from the âsystem-wide crisisâ of previous periods. After reviewing attributes that distinguish both the epoch in question and thereby the perspective itself, Robinson highlights those features that substantially differentiate the current moment of crisis from those of the 1930s and 1970s: âthe ecological limits of [systemic] reproductionâ, the âmagnitude of the means of violence and social controlâŚ, limits to extensive [and] intensive expansionâ of capitalism, the phenomenon of âthe rise of a vast surplus populationâ worldwide, and finally the contradictions created by transnationalization of productive and financial architecture and a ânation-state based system of political authorityâ. Robinson further links these limits and pressures to âmilitarized accumulation, frenzied worldwide financial speculation, and the raiding and sacking of public budgetsâ. He then warns, in Polanyian fashion, of the potentials for a rise in âa twenty-first century fascismâ to overcome the manifold contradictions of the global capitalist system.
Not content with merely âcomprehending theoretically the historical movement as a wholeâ (Marx and Engels, 1959 [1848], p. 17), Robinson admonishes us to remember our urgent responsibility as scholars to couple careful empirical analysis with practical and concrete transformative action.
Rubin Patterson significantly contributes to the global capitalism perspective in his essay, âTransnational Capitalist Class: Whatâs Race Got to Do With It? Everything!â by synthesizing arguments from both transnational capitalist class analysis, and critical race theory in order to contextualize the role of race in transforming âthe powers of the state to help shift from national obligations to labor to global obligations to capitalâ. Through his novel combination of race and class perspectives, Patterson assesses the effects of âthe rapidly changing demographic landscape and its potential impact on the [transnational capitalist class]â. Specifically, he uncovers the links between electoral politics in the US South and the transnational capitalist classâs use of race âin getting a sufficient number of officeholders in power to advance its agendaâ. Perhaps most importantly, Patterson reminds us that âProgressive analysts who seek to understand how the capitalist class has morphed in the new era of a new globalized economy tend not to traffic in ideas or concerns with race.â
We proceed at our own peril if we fail to account for the analytical disjuncture between race and class scholarshipâtransnational or otherwiseâand continue to neglect the connections between capitalist globalization and the use of race Patterson reveals.
Among the important recent developments within the global capitalism perspective is the shift in attention empirically (the attention has always been present theoretically) toward elements of popular and subordinate classes who are beginning to coalesce around a global counter-hegemonic project. Continuing the theme of network analysis and class composition, William Carroll focuses on âan emergent component of global civil society: Transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs)â (emphasis original). In his essay, âNetworks of Cognitive Praxis: Transnational Class Formation from Below?â Carroll analyzes organizations that have served as âcollective intellectualsâ in âfacilitating the construction of a counter-hegemonic bloc that transects national borders and poses democratic alternatives to neoliberal globalizationâ. The article offers analysis of some of the institutional actors emerging on the popular left that âexert political and cultural influenceâ, and focuses on âsome of the challenges [counter-hegemonic forces] face ⌠on the contested terrain of global civil societyâ. Again, moving from the commanding heights to the analysis of popular agentic forces represents an important tendency in the global capitalism school, and will further the explanatory reach of the perspective.
Carrollâs conclusion is crucial: there exists a ânascent historical bloc in which TAPGs figure importantly, a network of counterpublicsâ, which I would argue is potentially poised to push the pendu...