The History of the Rochdale Pioneers

George Jacob Holyoake

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN: 9781138204720
• eBook ISBN: 9781315468839
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Storia
• Subtopic: Storia del XIX secolo

First published in 1893, this tenth edition of The History of the Rochdale Pioneers, is an example of the nineteenth-century tradition of self-help manuals. It describes the origins and the development of the Rochdale Equitable Pioneers Society, the problems faced by the Rochdale Pioneers through economically tough times and how the collective were able to overcome these difficulties.

This book will be of interest to those studying the history of social welfare, class and economics, as well as the Co-operative Movement.

Chapter I.
The First Efforts, and the Kind of People who Made Them.

HISTORY OF THE ROCHDALE EQUITABLE PIONEERS.

HUMAN nature must be different in Rochdale from what it is elsewhere. There must have been a special creation of mechanics in this inexplicable district of Lancashire—in no other way can you account for the fact that they have mastered the art of acting together, and holding together, as no other set of workmen in Great Britain have done. They have acted upon Sir Robert Peel's memorable advice; they have "taken their own affairs into their own hands;" and what is more to the purpose, they have kept them in their own hands.

The working class are not considered to be very rich in the quality of self-trust, or mutual trust. The business habit is not thought to be their forte. The art of creating a large concern, and governing all its complications, is not usually supposed to belong to them. The problem of association has many times been tried among the people, and as many times it has virtually failed. Mr. Robert Owen has not accomplished half he intended. The "Christian Socialists," inspired by eloquent rectors, and directed by transcendent professors, aided by the lawyer mind and the merchant mind, and what was of no small importance, the very purse of Fortunatus himself,¹ have made but poor work of association. They have hardly drawn a single tooth from the dragon of competition. So far from having scotched that ponderous snake, they appear to have added to its vitality, and to have convinced parliamentary political economists that competitive strife is the eternal and only self-acting principle of society. True, reports come to us ever and anon that in America something has been accomplished in the way of association. Far away in the backwoods a tribe of bipeds-some mysterious cross between the German and the Yankee-have been heard of, known to men as Shakers, who are supposed to have killed the fatted calf of co-operation, and to be rich in corn, and oil, and wine, and-to their honour be it said-in foundlings and orphans, whom their sympathy collects, and their benevolence rears. But then the Shakers have a narrow creed and no wives. They abhor matrimony and free inquiry. But in the constituency till lately represented by Mr. Edward Miall, there is liberality of opinion -Susannahs who might tempt the elders again-and rosy-cheeked children, wild as heather and plentiful as buttercups. Under all the (agreeable) disadvantages of matrimony and independent thought, certain working men in Rochdale have practised the art of self-help, and of keeping the "wolf from the door." That animal, supposed to have been extirpated in the days of Ethelbert, is still found showing himself in our crowded towns, and may be seen any day prowling on the outskirts of civilisation.

At the close of the year 1843, on one of those damp, dark, dense, dismal, disagreeable days, which no Frenchman can be got to admire -such days as occur towards November, when the daylight is all used up, and the sun has given up all attempt at shining, either in disgust or despair-a few poor weavers out of employ, and nearly out of food and quite out of heart with the social state, met together to discover what they could do to better their industrial condition. Manufacturers had capital, and shopkeepers the advantage of stock; how could they succeed without either? Should they avail themselves of the poor-law? that were dependence; of emigration? that seemed like transportation for the crime of having been born poor. What should they do? They would commence the battle of life on their own account. They would, as far as they were concerned, supersede tradesmen, millowners, and capitalists: without experience, or knowledge, or funds, they would turn merchants and manufacturers. The subscription list was handed round-the Stock Exchange would not think much of the result. A dozen of these Liliputian capitalists put down a weekly subscription of twopence each-a sum which these Rochdale Rothschilds did not know how to pay. After fifty-two "calls" had been made upon these magnificent shareholders, they would not have enough in their bank to buy a sack of oatmeal with: yet these poor men now own mills, and warehouses, and keep a grocer's shop, where they take £76,000¹ a-year over the counter in ready money. Their "cash sales" of £19,389, recorded in their last quarterly report, which we subjoin, show their ready money receipts to reach £1,400 a-week.

Thus the origin of the Rochdale Store, which has transcended all co-operative stores established in Great Britain, is to be traced to the unsuccessful efforts of certain weavers to improve their wages. Near the close of the year 1843, the flannel trade-one of the principal manufactures of Rochdale-was brisk. At this auspicious juncture the weavers, who were, and are still, a badly paid class of labourers, took it into their heads to ask for an advance of wages. If their masters could afford it at all, they could probably afford it then. Their workpeople thought so, and the employers of Rochdale, who are certainly among the best of their class, seemed to be of the same opinion. Nearly each employer to whom the important question was put, at once expressed his willingness to concede an advance, provided his neighbouring employers did the same. But how was the consent of the others to be induced-and the collective agreement of all to be guaranteed to each? The thing seemed simple in theory, but was anything but simple in practice. Masters are not always courteous, and workpeople are not proverbially tacticians. Weavers do not negotiate with their superiors by letter; a personal interview is commonly the warlike expedient hit upon— an interview which the servant obtrudes and the master suffers. An employer has no à priori fondness for these kind of deputations, as a demand for an advance of wages he cannot afford may ruin him as quickly and completely as a fall may distress the workmen. However, to set the thing going in a practical and a kind way, one or two firms, with a generosity the men still remember with gratitude, offered an advance of wages to their own workpeople, upon trial, to see whether example would induce the employers generally to imitate it. In case general compliance could not be obtained, this special and experimental advance was to be taken off again. Hereupon the 'Trades' Union Committee, who had asked the advance on behalf of the flannel weavers, held, in their humble way, a grand consultation of "ways and means." English mechanics are not conspirators, and the working class have never been distinguished for their diplomatic successes. The plan of action adopted by our committee in this case did not involve many subtleties. After speech-making enough to save the nation, it was agreed that one employer at a time should be asked for the advance of wages, and if he did not comply, the weavers in his employ were "to strike" or "turn out," and the said "strikers" and "turn outs" were to be supported by a subscription of twopence per week from each weaver who had the good fortune to remain at work. This plan, if it lacked grace, had the merit of being a neat and summary way of proceeding; and if it presented no great attraction to the masters, it certainly presented fewer to the men. At least Mrs. Jones with six children, and Mrs. Smith with ten, could not be much in love with the twopenny prospect held out to them, especially as they had experienced something of the kind before, and had never been heard to very much commend it.

The next thing was to carry out the plan. Of course, a deputation of masters waiting upon their colleagues would be the courteous and proper thing, but obviously quite out of the question. A deputation of employers could accomplish more in one day with employers than a deputation of all the men could accomplish in a month. This, however, was not to be expected; and a deputation of workmen on this embassy was an interesting and adventurous affair.

A trades' deputation, in the old time, was a sort of forlorn hope of industry-worse than the forlorn hope of war; for if the volunteers of war succeed, they commonly win renown, or save themselves; but the men who volunteered on trades' deputations were often sacrificed in the act, or were marked men ever after. In war both armies respect the "forlorn hope," but in industrial conflicts the pioneer deputy was exposed to subsequent retaliation on the part of mill-owners, who did not admire him; and—let it be said in impartiality, sad as the fact is—the said deputy was exposed often to the wanton distrust of those who employed him. A trades' deputation was commonly composed of intelligent and active workmen; or, as employers naturally thought them, " dissatisfied, troublesome fellows." While on deputation duty, of course, they must be absent from work. During this time they must be supported by their fellow-workmen. They were then open to the reproach of living on the wages of their fellows, of loving deputation employment better than their own proper work, which indeed was sometimes the case. Alas! poor trade deputy-he had a hard lot! He had for a time given up the service of one master for the service of a thousand. He was now in the employ of his fellows, half of whom criticised his conduct quite as severely as his employer, and begrudged him his wages more. And when he returned to his work he often found there was no work for him. In his absence his overlooker had contrived (by orders) to supply his place, and betrayed no anxiety to accommodate him with a new one. He then tried other mills, but he found no one in want of his services. The poor devil set off to surrounding districts, but his character had gone before him. He might get an old fellow-workman (now an over-looker) to set him on, at a distance from his residence, and he had perhaps to walk five or six miles home to his supper, and be back at his mill by six o'clock next morning. At last he removed his family near his new employ. By this time it had reached his new employer's ears that he had a "leader of the Trades' Union" in his mill. His employer calculated that the new advance of wages had cost him altogether a thousand pounds last year. He considered the weaver, smuggled into his mill, the cause of that. He walked round and "took stock" of him. The next week the man was on the move again. After a while he would fall into the state of being "always out of work." No wonder if the wife, who generally has the worst of it, with her increasing family and decreasing means, began to reproach her husband with having ruined himself and beggared his family by "his trade unioning." .As he was daily out looking for work he would be sometimes "treated" by old comrades, and he naturally fell in with the only sympathy he got. A "row" perhaps occurred at the public-house, and somehow or other he would be mixed up with it. In ordinary circumstances the case would be dismissed-but the bench was mainly composed of employers. The unlucky prisoner at the bar had been known to at least one of the magistrates before as a "troublesome" fellow, under other circumstances. It is not quite clear that he was the guilty person in this case; but as in the opinion of the master-magistrate he was quite likely to have bee...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Original Title
• PREFACE
• Contents
• CHAPTER I. THE FIRST EFFORTS, AND THE KIND OF PEOPLE WHO MADE THEM
• CHAPTER II. APPOINTMENT OF A DEPUTATION TO THE MASTERS.—GREAT DEBATE IN THE FLANNEL WEAVERS' PARLIAMENT
• CHAPTER III. THE DOFFERS APPEAR AT THE OPENING DAY.—MORAL BUYING AS WELL AS MORAL SELLING
• CHAPTER IV. THE SOCIETY TRIED BY TWO WELL-KNOWN DIFFICULTIES—PRE-JODICE AND SECTARIANISM
• CHAPTER V. ENEMIES WITHIN AND ENEMIES WITHOUT, AND HOW THEY ALL WERE CONQUERED
• CHAPTER VI. THE GREAT FLOUR MILL PANIC
• CHAPTER VII. SUCCESSIVE STEPS OF SUCCESS.—THE ROCHDALE STORE ON A SATURDAY NIGHT
• CHAPTER VIII. ANECDOTES OF THE MEMBERS.—THE WORKING CLASS STAND BY THE STORE AND THEY "KNOW THE REASON WHY"
• CHAPTER IX. PAGE RULES AND AIMS OF THE SOCIETY
• CHAPTER X. THE OLD CO-OPERATORS—WHY THEY FAILED. THE NEW CO-OPERATORS—WHY THEY SUCCEED
• CHAPTER XI. AN ILLUSTRATIVE CHAPTER
• CHAPTER XII. AN OLD PIONEER'S ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE STORE
• CHAPTER XIII. THE WEAVERS' DREAM
• CHAPTER XIV. THE FAMOUS TWENTY-EIGHT
• CHAPTER XV. LEGAL IMPEDIMENTS TO ECONOMY
• CHAPTER XVI. QUERULOUS OUTSIDERS
• CHAPTER XVII. FOUR DANGEROUS YEABS
• CHAPTER XVIII. HALTING ON THE WAY
• CHAPTER XIX. STORY OF THE CORN MILL
• CHAPTER XX. ORIGIN OF THE "WHOLESALE"
• CHAPTER XXI. CO-OFERATIVE ADMINISTRATION
• CHAPTER XXII. THE BRANCH STORE AGITATION
• CHAPTER XXIII. OTHER CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ROCHDALE PIONEERS
• CHAPTER XXIV. CONTESTS FOR PRINCIPLE
• CHAPTER XXV. DEAD PIONEERS
• CHAPTER XXVI. THE ROCHDALE CONGRESS OF 1892
• INDEX