Routledge Revivals: Moslem Women Enter a New World (1936)

Ruth Frances Woodsmall

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2016
• eBook ISBN: 9781315396842
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Anthropology
• Index: Social Sciences

First published in 1936, this book surveys the changing place of women across the contemporaneous Muslim world, focusing on several nations where they constitute a demographic majority — Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Palestine, Trans-Jordan, Turkey, Syria — and one where they do not, namely India. It begins by outlining some of the areas of change, for example regarding the veil, purdah and divorce. This is followed by in depth examinations of the progress of female education, their changing economic roles, improving health standards, their widening interests and the pressure for change on Islam in general. This title is would be of interest to students of the sociology of religion and the contemporary position of women in Muslim societies.

Part One
Frontiers of Social Change

Chapter I
Lifting The Veil

WHEN the Easterner travels West or the Westerner travels East, each is sharply conscious of having crossed a social frontier which is more real than geographical boundaries, or distinctions of language, nationality or race.

The social systems of the East and West are established on diametrically different principles. The pivotal difference is the difference in the position of woman. In the East society has always been based on the separation of the sexes and seclusion of women, limiting their sphere to the home. Perhaps their power within this limited world has been considerable, but there are boundaries beyond which they have not been free to go. The West has not sharply differentiated between the world of women and that of men. Western society is built on the basis of unity, which may not mean equality, but which does not definitely place women in a sphere apart.

This present unified basis of Western society is undoubtedly the result of evolution as the Western world of the twentieth century is very different from the Western world of the Middle Ages, especially in regard to the position of women. In the East the social system has until the last decade remained practically unchanged throughout the centuries. The Islamic world with its integrated system of religion and society, has preserved with little if any variation, the social customs of the seventh century. Between the social practices of the East and of the West, there has always been until recently the cleavage of centuries.

But to-day life in the East in many ways is being catapulted across the centuries. Eastern society is being reshaped on a united basis. The social position of women is undergoing a fundamental change slowly or rapidly according to different factors in different countries. The variation in the degree of social change as it affects women is very great throughout the East, but it is a variation in degree rather than in kind. The same questions everywhere constitute the centre of public interest and private conversation—changing ideals of marriage and family life, polygamy and divorce, social relationships, and always as the centre of interest, the veil.

Undoubtedly the barometer of social change in the Moslem world is the veil. Where the veil persists without variation, the life of the Moslem woman is like the blank walled streets of Bhopal, India, which afford no outlook from within and no contact from without. But the Bhopal streets within the last few years have been pierced by a few small windows, very high up to be sure, but breaking the dead monotony, and one can imagine some purdah woman unseen looking out on the street life below. The Moslem woman's veil, even in the most conservative places, betrays some suggestion of movement; in some places it is slowly being lifted and elsewhere has even entirely disappeared.

The term veil in the Moslem world indicates not one particular style of protective covering, as various countries have developed their own distinctive type of veiling. It may mean covering the face completely, or the lower part only, leaving the eyes exposed as in Egypt. The essential point however in all types of the veil, is the covering of the hair, a woman's crowning glory, and the avoidance in public of any feminine appeal. Hence the costume connected with the actual face covering is important, as for example the charshaf and veil in Turkey and the Near East, the chaddur and pecheh in Iran, the aba in Iraq, and the burqa in India. The gradual lifting of the veil in all countries is marked by the deviation from the idea of covering the hair and concealing feminine charm. It is interesting to see where the barometer of unveiling now stands in different Moslem countries.

India represents the extreme of conservatism in reference to the customs of seclusion, or purdah system, as it is called, the literal meaning of purdah being a curtain. There is practically no variation in the outdoor garment of Moslem women, the burqa, that all-enveloping white garb without form, which falls from the crown of the head to the feet, like a Hallowe'en costume, with no suggestion of the face except a narrow piece of drawnwork before the eyes, through which the Moslem woman can catch a glimpse of the world, but the world cannot see her. Such a costume entirely conceals all personality. At home within the zenana, the woman's quarter, there is a tendency to adopt the sari instead of the characteristic indoor costume of the Moslem woman—the pyjamas or loose trousers with the long shirt and head or shoulder scarf. Such a change, formerly considered quite radical, now is more or less accepted.

The whole life of the purdahnashin, the woman in purdah, is determined by the fixed rules of seclusion; for purdah in India involves a rigidity and complexity of segregation unlike any other country and beyond any Islamic injunctions. In its strictest application it demands seclusion from men servants and from the sight of any man other than immediate non-marriageable relatives, a rule which is enforced more strictly in India than in other countries. It forbids a woman of the higher class from appearing on the street, or in any public place, even though veiled; hence, the covered purdah conveyance, purdah arrangements for all public gatherings, and purdah restrictions for schools and travel are necessary. In its most rigid form purdah prohibits a woman's voice from being heard by a man outside her own circle of relatives; in short, it keeps a woman closely confined within the walls of her own zenana. These rules for purdah apply not only to Moslem women in purdah, but also to Hindu women who keep purdah, of whom there are many, especially in the parts of India where Moslem influence has been dominant.

Purdah is being observed with less variation in India than in any other country. One can generalize without fear of inaccuracy in saying that at least ninety-five per cent of Moslem women, perhaps even more, observe purdah consistently and logically. Of the remaining five per cent far less than one per cent are actually out of purdah, the others are in and out in a fluctuating freedom determined by the time and place. But India offers fewer half-way stations than the Near East for the purdah woman to catch her breath, lift her veil, and look around furtively before moving on. The small number of Moslem women in India who are really out of purdah, completely and at all times, one can still count almost by families. When one considers this number in relation to the Moslem population of approximately 77,000,000, about half of which are women, the rigidity of the purdah in India is graphically clear.

But there are rumours everywhere of change; the educated minority of women is more aggressive in India than in any other country of the East, and a definite protest is being made against the purdah, led by non-purdah women, Hindus as well as Moslems, and endorsed by many prominent men. The Moslem women who have discarded the purdah are outstanding leaders, fortunately well scattered all over India so that practically each Moslem centre has at least one prominent unveiled Moslem woman of wealth and position. This is of great importance for the movement as a whole, as India is a country of millions led by a few.

A rapid or wholesale discarding of the purdah is scarcely conceivable, but the movement has started. It will doubtless not develop at the same speed in different parts of India. That purdah is recognized by men and women alike as a national problem is the most hopeful sign of advance. Aside from the actual breaking of the purdah, there are signs of greater freedom behind the purdah, a slight loosening of the bonds and shifting within limits. The freedom will move outward as the pressure against purdah from the outside which has already begun, grows stronger.

Neither the veil nor the customs prescribed by it have ever demanded as complete seclusion in Iran as in India, but the chaddur and the pecheh, the typical costume of the conservative Iranian woman, have offered little more scope than the burqa for the expression of personality. The old-styled chaddur was a loose black sheet of silk, alpaca or sateen, which covered the whole figure and concealed the ankles; the face was screened by the pecheh, a coarse black plaque of woven horse-hair. Heelless slippers and black stockings and loose black trousers under the shapeless chaddur completed the costume. In some places a long white veil instead of the black veil was worn. For the indoor costume most women in Teheran some time ago adopted European clothes instead of the full short skirts and loose shirt with the head scarf, the chaddur namaz, a style which however is still retained in conservative centres. The shifting from Iranian to European dress for the inside costume was regarded as a radical step. Often this change occurred without any knowledge of European styles and such interesting anomalies, as an evening dress worn in the morning were not unusual.

The movement away from the chaddur in Iran at the present time offers a striking contrast to India and is distinctly reminiscent of Turkey. In the last year the lifting of the veil has been rapidly speeded up by orders to teachers and schoolgirls to unveil. The dramatic climax came when His Majesty Shah Riza Pahlavi attended by Her Majesty the Queen and two young princesses, unveiled and in European dress, made the official presentation of diplomas at the Normal School in Teheran. The Queen presented the diplomas to the girl graduates in one room; the Shah, in another room, presided over the similar ceremony for the men students.¹

The Shah then addressed the gathering of five hundred women urging them to avail themselves fully of their new opportunity. His speech has unusual significance. "It is not too much to say that formerly half the population of our country was not counted, or—in other words—half the working force was unemployed. There was no census taken of women, as if they belonged to another species. You women must consider this a great day and make use of your opportunities in the progress of the country. My sisters and daughters now that you have entered society, know your duty that you must work for your native land. The happiness of the future is in your hands."

It is needless to say that all the women and girls in the gathering at the Normal School were unveiled, and the streets along which the royal procession passed were lined with eager crowds of women also with unveiled faces, as no veiled women were permitted in sight along the city avenues at this time. This function is probably the most significant milestone in the advance of Iranian women and hence in the modernization of Iran.

The repercussion of this event was felt all over Iran. Emulating the Shah's example, in many places the Governor with the Chief of Police and School Superintendent held meetings in girls' schools to promote the progress of women and on this occasion the pupils threw off their veils. The Iran Press after the eventful day of emancipation (January 8, 1936), was filled for days with news articles and pictures on women's advance. Photographs of school girls' athletics, Girl Scouts, Women's Club activities, held the front page. The forward movement was also promoted through the theatre by a special play depicting social advance with two Iranian girls in the contrasting roles of the old and new women of Iran.

A number of definite regulations against the chaddur and the pecheh have been passed since this event, which will probably make unveiling inevitable. For example, no veiled woman can now receive treatment in Iran at a public clinic, or ride in a public conveyance. These two regulations will doubtless for a time work genuine hardship on conservative Moslem women but eventually their conservatism will doubtless be overcome. The sudden demand for women's hats and coats to replace the chaddur and pecheh has led to the necessity for special municipal measures against the profiteering of tailors, hat makers, and merchants, such as the regulation made in Teheran regarding fixed prices for ready-made clothes and for labour.¹

It is interesting also to note that the need is recognized for the great majority of women to be instructed as to the new social etiquette required by the discarding of the veil and the adoption of European styles. Of course a minority are already familiar with modern customs. Some of the newspapers have printed articles giving rather pertinent suggestions on feminine behaviour in public; such as the following: "Ladies in public meetings should not remove their hats; they may or may not take off their coats and gloves. They should not stare at other lady guests to observe their toilet; nor should they primp with the aid of their hand-bag mirrors. Those who have always put their handkerchiefs, cigarette cases and other articles up their sleeves must now use their hand-bags for such things. Conversation about the dress and age of other ladies present is displeasing. To take fruit or sweets with gloves on is forbidden."

The final dramatic movement of unveiling which has followed the Queen's public appearance unveiled does not represent as sudden a break with the past as might be supposed. There had been in fact a period of steady preparation for seven or eight years. A spectacular change such as the event in the Normal School, was expected in 1928 after King Amanullah and Queen Suriyeh with face uncovered visited Teheran on their return to Afghanistan from the triumphal European tour. At that time Iran was on the qui vive for change. Men leaders began to endorse unveiling. Women eagerly anticipated an order from the Shah to abolish the veil or perhaps to establish a Pahlavi chaddur for women following the idea of a Pahlavi hat for men. There was a sort of a "Buy your hats to be ready" expectancy in the harem. But Amanullah with his unveiled Queen proved to be a bad advance salesman for hats for women in Iran. His tragic fall very soon after strengthened conservatism in Iran. No order from the Shah was issued; the spirit of swift change died down.

Due to the débâcle in Afghanistan, the reform movement in Iran settled into a slower pace. After that time a laisser-faire policy, a promoted evolution, if one can use the term, was successfully pursued. Behind the scenes the word was apparently passed around that greater freedom for women was favoured. From time to time some official's wife took a safe chance on unveiling. The police, doubtless under instructions, relaxed its vigilant enforcement of restriction of women's freedom, as shown by the story of the zealous chauffeur who reported to the police that a girl who had left Teheran in his car veiled, took off her veil when she got out in the country. This was a police offence in the old days, but the official merely shrugged his shoulders and coolly dismissed the chauffeur, who still kept insisting that "if they left their homes veiled, they should stay veiled." This policy of police indifference created a favourable impression for unveiling and promoted advance. Discarding the chaddur therefore became a matter of personal decision, made by the individual woman, or perhaps for her by her husband or mother-in-law.

In Teheran during the last few years the chaddur and the pecheh have become steadily less concealing. The chaddur was no longer worn drawn closely over the hair and held under the chin. The pecheh was steadily raised and shortened, and often was merely like a slight protection for the eyes. Moreover, wearing the chaddur and pecheh in Teheran grew to be for an increasing number a rather casual matter. Some women on occasions wore hats and European clothes, especially at night for public entertainment. Some discarded the veil for ordinary use but retained it for the bazaars, which are noted for their conservatism. The story is told of a Moslem woman and her daughter who were shopping unveiled in the bazaar when an earthquake shock occurred. The merchant upbraided the mother, insisting that the earthquake was due to Allah's disapproval of young girls being too free.

Recently there has been an increasing expectancy of change. Women who had not yet broken with the chaddur began to frequent hat shops; they came veiled and left veiled but were evidently anticipating and preparing for change. Many seemed to be waiting for some definite Government regulation against the veil. After the Shah's visit to Turkey in 1934 there was a rumour that unveiling in girls' schools would be made compulsory, but no such order was issued.

However, although no actual edict against the veil appeared, the pressure exerted by the Ministry of Education has been practically mandatory. Following the order that no woman teacher would receive her salary, if she called for it, wearing her chaddur and pecheh, the women teachers in Government schools and inspectresses naturally unveiled. Many adopted as a uniform a dark blue dress with a white collar. Doubtless due to their example, the girls of the Normal School and of the new co-education primary schools, as well as many girls from private schools, discarded the veil. In the spring of 1935 the Ministry made unveiling practically compulsory through the regulation that no girls wearing the veil could receive school prizes or diplomas. The following autumn the girls, if veiled, were practically debarred from attending school.

In addition to the constant promotion of unveiling by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of War also issued an effective order against the veil. Officers or Cadets were prohibited from promenading in Teheran on Lalezar or Istanbul streets (the main thoroughfares), accompanied by women wearing the chaddur, even though the veiled companion might be their mothers, wives or sisters.

These various regulations have been accepted without much discussion since they were in harmony with the general forward trend. Naturally the situation in Teheran has been in advance of other cities. The movement has gone more slowly and not without opposition in conservative centres like Meshed. But now the climax has been reached and unveiling has become a widely accepted fact. Doubtless in Iran, as in Turkey, the subject of women's emancipation from the veil will soon cease to have front-page newspaper publicity.

For a number of years in Iraq there has been a certain amount of discussion in the harem and elsewhere behind the scenes in regard to the aba, but no outward unveiling movement. The Moslem woman's face is practically covered, with only one eye peering out from the aba, the shapeless long robe like a sheet, which is drawn closely around the head and face and falls anywhere from the knee to the ankle. The surprisingly short skirts of the modern Baghdad woman in 1930, when short skirts were the style in the West, were an interesting contrast to her enveloping upper garment. Formerly two abas were worn, now only one, which indicates a marked advance. Change behind the veil is being made along lines of Western imitation in clothes with a steady improvement in taste and more discrimination as to suitability in dress. The complete lack of social experience and unfamiliarity with Western styles, betrayed by the typical shut-in women of the harem are now being supplemented by the contact with the Turkish women in Baghdad, wives of officials, and with the young Syrian teachers from Beirut. These more socially advanced women from outside Baghdad have been a helpful influence in setting styles and standards. Social life within the harem now definitely follows the European model.

A large proportion of Baghdad women of the upper class families are eager to unveil, but there is, of course, a very conservative party which willingly accepts the veil and a very strict form of seclusion. This is, however, a diminishing number. The...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Original Title
• Original Copyright
• Dedication
• Preface
• Foreword
• Contents
• List of Illustrations
• Introduction: THE NEW EAST
• PART ONE Frontiers of Social Change
• PART TWO Education—The Key to Progress
• PART THREE The New Economic Role of Moslem Women
• PART FOUR Health Standards Old and New
• PART FIVE The Widening Sphere of Moslem Women's Interests
• PART SIX The Pressure of Change on Islam To-day
• Conclusion: EAST AND WEST
• Appendix: THE PRINCIPAL KORANIC TEACHINGS ABOUT WOMEN BY A SYRIAN SHEIKH
• Index