Education and Imperial Unity, 1901-1926

James G. Greenlee

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN: 9781138223509
• eBook ISBN: 9781315404561
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Education General

Under the influence of mounting foreign competition in the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods, many Britons sought to bolster England's world position by reinforcing the unity of the Empire. For the most part their effort were channelled into an attempt to construct a formal political union or federation of Britain's overseas dominions. However, when the so-called Imperial Federation Movement failed to produce a viable constitutional solution the problem of unity a number of people began to search for an alternative, non-political approach. In this connection a campaign was mounted during the first two decades of the twentieth century that came to emphasise the informal, spiritual ties which supposedly bound the Empire together.

This title, first published in 1987, brings to light the assumptions, aspirations and schemes of those predominantly middle-class figures who orchestrated the Imperial Studies Movement at the turn of the twentieth-century. This title will be of interest to students of history and education.

Chapter One
The League of the Empire: The Early Years 1901-1907

I

By 1900 the British Empire encompassed more than one quarter of the earth's land surface and population. It may, therefore, seem somewhat incongruous that the task of trying to unite this sprawling global community through education was left to three rather small imperial clubs, in London. On the one hand, this situation may have simply reflected the emphasis which most Edwardians continued to place on alternative solutions to the problem of imperial federation. On the other, it must be remembered that Edwardian England still by and large adhered to an individualistic conception of social action and in general preferred private initiative to State interference. Thus it was still fairly common practice to Iodic, not to the State, but to the private sector for leadership, even in matters of vital national importance.

In fact London was virtually honeycombed with small activist clubs, each promoting its own particular cause. There were the Fabian Society and the Co-Efficients Club, as well as the Compatriots Club, the Ethical Society, and the Rainbow Circle, all, of which claimed to have comprehensive cures for the ills of the nation. Putting forth somewhat less exalted programmes were, to name but a few, the League of Mercy, the Patriotic League of Britons Overseas, the League of Pity, the Duty and Discipline Movement, the Empire Day Movement, and, during the war, the League for the Marrying of Wounded Heroes. Earlier, of course, there had been the I.F.L., the United Empire League, the Tariff Reform League, and the ever-present multitude of charitable organizations.

Some of these bodies, like the Round Table and the Fabians, were dynamic and highly influential. Others such as the Patriotic League of Britons Overseas, which sought to fund the construction of a dreadnaught out of public subscriptions, have, not unjustly, escaped the attention of historians. Great or small, however, these private clubs absorbed an enormous amount of the community's energy and taken as a whole represented a potent political and social force operating independently of Parliament. Seen in this light, the League of the Empire, the Victoria League, and the Royal Colonial Institute were perfectly typical of late-Victorian and Edwardian institutional life.

In a broader context it has been suggested than an extra-Parliamentary approach to solving the nation's problems became increasingly more common during the decade before the Great War.¹ The real struggle for women's rights went on in the streets, not in the House of Commons. Again, Parliament proved largely unable to cope with the growing volume of labour unrest and industrial warfare. To a great many people besides Milner the political system seemed incapable of meeting efficiently the requirements of the new century. In this atmosphere it is understandable that many sought for national and imperial salvation outside the framework of established political institutions.

Therefore, to the singular Edwardian mind there was nothing incongruous about the attempts of small elite groups to influence ana shape public opinion. Thus during the first two decades of the twentieth century the League of the Empire and the Royal Colonial Institute, with some assistance from the Victoria League, confidently set themselves the task of tapping through education the supposed latent reserves of imperial sentiment to which Froude, Haldane, and others had alluded. At the outset the League of the Empire provided the leadership in this direction. Later the R.C.I. would assume the prime initiative. 'Throughout, the Victoria League was content to play a lesser role in support of the other two institutions. From time to time the methods of these bodies tended to differ. Indeed, there was often real conflict among them concerning the means by which they ought to achieve their goal. But the goal of promoting imperial unity by means of education was shared by all three.

In the early years of the century this goal was not precisely defined. When the league of the Empire and the Victoria league first emerged in 1901 they were merely two more clubs to be added to the already swollen catalogue of private societies which dotted London's checkered landscape. The purpose and functions of the V.L. were to remain rather imprecise throughout the period; but the L. of E. quickly developed from a sort of pen-pal club for children into an Empire-wide society bent on inculcating the gospel of imperial unity through education, primarily at a popular level. Indeed, by 1907 the L. of E. came to enjoy the status of a clearing centre for information on imperial education and a semi-official liaison between Whitehall and the Empire's vast array of educational jurisdictions. In 1901, however, the future of this institution was only dimly perceived as the League began its long career as a body fostering imperial education.

II

In 1901 the birth of both the League of the Empire and the Victoria League went largely unnoticed. Press coverage of their inaugurals was superficial and even those few early journals of the Leagues which have survived were extremely vague about the origins of the two bodies. Initially, however, it is clear that no grandiose ambition was entertained to promote a revolution in public opinion. The stated goal of the L. of E. was simply "to inspire personal and active interest in the Empire ..., and to promote educational and friendly intercommunication between its different parts", and this through the diffusion of knowledge of and sympathy for the Empire among the schoolchildren of Britain and the colonies.² This was clearly reflected in its original name, the League of the Children of the Empire, which was only altered when the scope of the League's activities was expanded after 1903.³

For its part the Victoria League's declared aims were even less ambitious. The first council meeting of the V.L. stated that

this association holds itself ready as far as possible to support and assist any scheme leading to a more intimate understanding between ourselves and our fellow subjects in our great colonies and dependencies.⁴

The key words in this statement of purpose are "support and assist". Throughout its history the V.L. was content to play a supporting role in the promotion of imperial education. This limited approach may have been the result of sober reflection upon the meagre capital resources which the V.L. had at its disposal. But financial weakness does not afford a complete explanation of the league's policy. The L. of E. and the R.C.I. were equally wanting in this respect. Indeed throughout the first decades of the century all three societies continually depended on donations and on grants from the Rhodes Trust.

An explanation of the limited role assumed by the V.L. might be found in the fact that it was largely a women's club operating in what was predominantly a man's world. Most of the key positions on the League's executive were held by the wives and daughters of prominent political and social figures. Thus the central committee included a Miss Balfour and the wives of two future colonial secretaries, Mrs. Alfred Lyttelton and the Countess of Crewe. The presidency was held throughout the period by Margaret Elizabeth Leigh, Lady Jersey, wife of the former governor of New South Wales.

Lady Jersey never defined her imperialism in precise terms, but her attitude to the role of women in the life of the nation was quite clear and had a strong impact on the outlook of the entire V.L. A forceful woman, she took a keen Interest in raising the status of women and this may account for the central role which she played in the foundation and development of the V.L.⁵ But Lady Jersey had little or no sympathy with the radical suffragettes.⁶ What staunch member of the Conservative Party and the Primrose League could? Rather, she adopted a gradualist approach to improving the status of women. She was concerned primarily that they be allowed to take an active, if for the moment somewhat secondary, part in politics and society.

At any rate this was the stance that the V.L. adopted under her guidance. As she later explained, the League was in full sympathy with other bodies which sought to foster imperial unity through educational means, but she considered many of their projects, such as the calling of Empire-wide conferences and elaborate textbook schemes, to be "beyond our attainment".⁷ The V.L., she continued, was prepared to "support and assist" the R.C.I. and the L. of E. in their more elaborate schemes, but on its own was content to specialize in "little jobs", such as newspaper distribution, that brought individuals together.⁸ In fact the V.L. saw itself and functioned as something not unlike an imperial ladies auxiliary.

It would appear that the V.L, began life as a charitable organization. Assistance to widows of the South African War and the provision of grave markings for the fallen were its first undertakings.⁹ This charitable work was the major priority of the V.L. during its early years and only rarely did it speak on behalf of imperial education. Its other activities included serving as a centre to which colonial visitors could come for assistance and information. In fact Leopold Amery, then an associate of the Milner Kindergarten and a member of the V.L.'s central committee, later recalled that he viewed this as the League's primary function.¹⁰

On the other hand, the League of the Empire tended to dominate the campaign for imperial education from 1901 to 1914 and in time its sole function became that of furthering imperial unity through education. Unlike those of the V.L., the leaders of the L. of E. were not content to sit back and wait for others to lead the way. Despite its equally slim financial reserves, the League was not averse to initiating large-scale projects to carry its ideas into effect.

In the absence of any direct evidence it is extremely difficult to document the origins of the L. of E. Its earliest journals and minute books were lost or destroyed in an air raid which carried away large sections of the R.C.I.'s library in the early 1940s. However, its first president, Donald Smith, Lord Strathcona, certainly played a part in the foundation of the League. Immensely wealthy and already past eighty in 1901, Strathcona was one of the grand old men of imperial circles. His long and colourful career on the frontiers of Empire had seen him rise to the office of director of that old imperial factor, the Hudson's Bay Company. Later he served as a member of Parliament in Ottawa and at the turn of the century capped an illustrious life by accepting the post of Canadian High Commissioner in London.

Strathcona was noted for his public benefactions both in Canada and Great Britain. His name was always at or near the top of any list when fundraisers were canvassing for donations ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Original Title
• Original Copyright
• ABSTRACT
• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
• Contents
• ABBREVIATIONS
• NEW PREFACE (1986)
• INTRODUCTION
• CHAPTER ONE: THE LEAGUE OF THE EMPIRE: THE EARLY YEARS 1901-1907
• CHAPTER TWO: AUTONOMY VERSUS UNITY 1907-1914
• CHAPTER THREE: IN QUEST OF REGENERATION: THE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE 1909-1914
• CHAPTER FOUR: "THE TIME OF OUR VISITATION" 1914-1918
• CHAPTER FIVE: FADING PROSPECTS IN THE TWENTIES
• CHAPTER SIX: "A SUCCESSION OF SEELEYS"
• CONCLUSIONS
• BIBLIOGRAPHY
• APPENDIX (1986)
• INDEX