A Sociology of Football in a Global Context

Jamie Cleland

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2015
• Print ISBN: 9781138292130
• eBook ISBN: 9781135007621
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

Association football is now the global sport, consumed in various ways by millions of people across the world. Throughout its history, football has been a catalyst as much for social cohesion, unity, excitement and integration as it can be for division, exclusion and discrimination. A Sociology of Football in a Global Context examines the historical, political, economic, social and cultural complexities of the game across Europe, Africa, Asia and North and South America. It analyses the key developments and sociological debates within football through a topic-based approach that concentrates on the history of football and its global diffusion; the role of violence; the global governance of the game by FIFA; race, racism and whiteness; gender and homophobia; the changing nature of fans; the media and football's financial revolution; the transformation of players into global celebrities; and the growth of football leagues across the world. Using a range of examples from all over the world, each chapter highlights the different social and cultural changes football has seen, most notably since the 1990s, when its relationship with the mass media and other transnational networks became more important and financially lucrative.

1 Football in Context

Industrialism, Urbanism and Global Diffusion in History

Although there is some dispute as to the actual origins of football during the germinal phase, there is no disputing that football was formally codified in England in 1863 with the establishment of the Football Association. This chapter explains the influential role of working-class clubs (such as those in Sheffield) as well as the English public schools and universities in regulating football in the nineteenth century and helping it expand across the country. Initially it was a challenge in encouraging the newly regulated game to be consistently adopted across the UK, but it was from the late 1880s that football started to appeal to the industrialised masses that had moved into urban space to gain employment. At the same time, the importance of industrialisation, urbanisation, education and the growing print media became central to the game’s development and along with the military, tradesmen and sailors helped its diffusion into imperial colonies and ex-colonies (notwithstanding its rejection in some countries like the United States and Australia in favour of more native sports). As a result, football became a game of significant cultural and social interest for millions of people across the world.

It is through changes to football culture during the take-off and struggle for hegemony phase that later chapters in this book will focus on in more detail. These include the expansion and subsequent internationalisation of football competition through the introduction of FIFA in 1904 and the first World Cup in 1930 (see Chapter 3); the importance of fans to clubs (see Chapter 7); and how the relationship between football and television since the 1970s has not only changed the political economy of football (see Chapter 6), but it has also transformed players from local heroes into global celebrities and cultural icons (see Chapter 8).

EARLY ORIGINS

Even though Goldblatt (2006) indicates that China can hold a historical claim to the origins of football, with reference to the kicking game of Tsu Chu (comprising of a leather ball containing feathers and hair) from approximately 50 BC, it was the development of folk football in Britain from the thirteenth century that captured the imagination of many football historians (e.g., see Birley 1993; Dunning and Sheard 1979; Mason 1980; Russell 1997; Walvin 1994).¹ Clearly, it is difficult for historians to provide a comprehensive analysis as to how folk football was played or how the play varied across the country, but it is often suggested that it consisted of elements of violence and ‘uncivilised’ behaviour (Elias and Dunning 1986). Games were localised and contained limited rules (e.g. no referee was present) and organisation, with handling and kicking of the ball allowed in uneven teams of usually young men from neighbouring towns and villages. Games often took place in areas lacking the parameters of a modern pitch (often taking place through fields and rivers and negotiating walls and other immovable objects), with the objective to reach a particular area that contained a ‘goal’ (such as a church doorway).

Despite its popularity, a common theme was the distrust given towards games such as this by the ruling classes and the highly influential church. Giulianotti (1999) states how football was banned in China during the Ming dynasty in the late fourteenth century and, likewise, how the monarchy in England was frequently concerned that variants of football would have an impact on military training (such as archery) and it was also banned. The Roman Catholic Church was also against the playing of carnival-like sports such as football, but after seeking to initially outlaw the pastime, the church eventually recognised its value and allowed it to be played on religious days such as Shrovetide due to the strong sense of social solidarity it created. However, according to Kitching (2011), games were not purely restricted to the socially visible period of Shrovetide and other holy days but also existed outside of these days. Although these events tended to have significant participation levels (often going into the hundreds), Walvin (1994) suggests that play was impromptu and was never pursued competitively. Indeed, Goulstone (2000) states that not all matches contained violence and were often played in good humour that emphasised skill and maintained social order by integrating individuals (particularly young men) at a local level.

As explained in the next section, variants of football continued throughout the UK in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, but it was the public school and university systems that began to recognise the need to create a more formalised game of football in which rules were written down and adhered to by the growing number of teams.

THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND REGULATION OF ASSOCIATION FOOTBALL

The English public school system in the early nineteenth century lacked any discipline, with Dunning and Sheard (1979) outlining how rioting and other forms of unruly behaviour often took place within the curriculum. Although there is evidence that variants of football were a feature of the public schools before the nineteenth century (see Walvin 1994), it was here that the public schools began to change a ‘mob’ game into one that was respectable and played regularly. A key figure in using football as a form of character building was Dr Thomas Arnold, the head of Rugby Public School from 1828 to 1842. Encouraging his pupils to use sport to build leadership, discipline and teamwork, Arnold helped codify rules that allowed schoolhouse masters to oversee matches taking place. However, not every public school played by the same rules because some favoured handling and hacking (Rugby), whilst others prohibited these by favouring a more kicking style of play (Eton and Harrow). Naturally this created problems between schools playing different variants of football as well as universities that attracted these young men who had been playing by different rules. A consequence of this was that Cambridge University in 1846 and Eton in 1847 both tried to separate football from we now know as rugby by attempting to regulate football.

In fact, the complex nature of football also occurred outside the educational system, with Kitching (2011) illustrating the existence of a number of local and regional rules across England. For example, the first football club, Sheffield FC, was formed in 1857, and it favoured more of a kicking and passing game, although Harvey (2001) finds evidence that catching and handling did take place. The handwritten codification of the Sheffield Rules in 1858 (put into print in 1859) proved to be very popular with Mangan and Hickey (2008) outlining how the two most popular set of rules were the Cambridge Rules, played by the public schools of Eton, Harrow and Shrewsbury, and the Sheffield Rules, played in the areas of Sheffield, Leeds and Nottingham. The influence of these limited rules was quite profound, with Goulstone (2000) illustrating how matches took place between teams with equal numbers on each side in a field with goals. Moreover, Kitching (2011) indicates the presence of small-sided games in Northumberland (located in the north of England) that included handling and kicking, but organisational positioning was at a premium; rather, ‘mass’ rushes or ‘mass’ defence existed, even during the mid-nineteenth century when the rules of football were going through a formalised process.

This formalised process began in October 1863 when representatives of a number of football clubs met in the Freemasons’ Tavern in London to try to initiate a distinct set of national rules for football. Two months later, in December 1863, the Football Association (FA) was formed with its focus on establishing a ‘dribbling game’ that was to be implemented throughout the country. Some of the most contentious points surrounded the prohibited use of hands and hacking, and this led to a number of clubs (such as Blackheath) withdrawing and helping form the Rugby Football Union in 1871. Despite the best efforts of C. W. Alcock, an old Harrovian who was FA secretary for 25 years, historians have argued that a number of clubs rejected the new national rules by stating that they remained unsatisfactory (Harvey 2005; Kitching 2011; Mason 1980). Harvey (2005), for example, found evidence of teams in London in the 1860s that continued to allow the use of hands whilst playing and suggests it took ten years for the issue of ‘non-handling’ to be fully adhered to. Likewise, Kitching (2011) states that there was little distinction between handling and dribbling before the early 1870s, with those following the football rules still allowing players to handle the ball as well as dribble with it. The difficulty in implementing the FA rules initially was that teams tended to vary rugby-type rules and football-type rules from match to match rather than abide by a universally accepted code of play. According to Swain and Harvey (2012), such was the despair within the FA that the president, Ebenezer Cobb Morley, argued that the organisation should be disbanded after repeated failed attempts at modifying the rules. However, it was saved when the Sheffield FA supported the national FA by merging the rules together.

The role of the public schools in football’s traditional development helps illustrate the power of the bourgeoisie in instilling their values and interests into schools and onto the playing field. Indeed, the process of industrialisation also allowed this to happen as some of the bourgeoisie became a significant component of a rapidly changing British landscape that saw thousands of workers move into urban areas to seek employment. As these values evolved through the class hierarchy, football became a game for the masses as it reflected the industrial nature of society in the UK. Football was used as a way of filling spare leisure time, and the introduction of the Saturday half-holiday (where factories closed early to allow employees more free time away from work) by factory owners was recognition of the importance of Saturday afternoon football in thousands of workers’ lives. As outlined in the following section, games began to draw large crowds through an emerging sense of connectivity between a club and its local community, but they also increased the likelihood of some social disruption with the presence of the police a regular feature of football matches.

THE TAKE-OFF PHASE 1: FOOTBALL IN THE UK

The introduction of the FA Cup in 1871–72 and the first international match between England and Scotland in 1872 prompted the emergence of amateur teams throughout the UK and forced the FA to once again seek about addressing any inconsistencies within the laws of association football. According to Mason (1980), this resulted in a further formal codification in 1877, and it was from the 1880s that a rapid expansion of competitive matches took place between schools, regions and nations. In an English context, this can be illustrated by the number of clubs affiliated to the FA rising from 1,000 in 1888 to 10,000 by 1905 (Vamplew 1988).

As attendances and interest rose, the most widely supported clubs began charging spectators an admission fee as costs began to have a financial impact on clubs. Clubs had begun to pay illegal expenses and make other forms of veiled payments to attract the best players, a number of which were recruited from Scotland as the levels of competition increased (Walvin 1994). Seeing the widespread use of this practice and combating the threat made by northern clubs about a potential breakaway, the FA eventually agreed to formally recognise professionalism in 1885 (Birley 1995). As a consequence, Dunning and Sheard (1979) state that the upper classes began to distance themselves from the game as it did not match the behavioural standards they expected of a ‘gentleman’ (such as the expectation to remain amateur). This resulted in a north–south split in which the amateur ethos established by the FA could be found in the ideals of southern-based Corinthian Football Club, a team that declined penalties because it believed fouls could not be committed by gentlemen. Despite amateurism continuing, however, it could not resist the allure of professionalism, and southern teams eventually followed their northern counterparts.

The acceptance of professionalism allowed William McGregor, a Scot and a director at Aston Villa, to establish a 12-team Football League in 1888, and this was followed by the introduction of a Scottish League in 1890 and a second division of a further 12 teams in England in 1893. As football became more competitive and the number of teams expanded, this was reflected through the dramatic rise in attendances. For example, 600,000 people watched the inaugural season of the Football League in 1888, but by 1905 this had increased to 5 million as the league expanded to 20 teams (Russell 1997). Similarly, the FA Cup final also saw a dramatic rise in attendance, with 17,000 watching the final in 1888, but by 1915 this had reached 120,081. In fact, attendances kept on rising throughout the early twentieth century, with the most famous FA Cup final at Wembley in 1923 dubbed the ‘White Horse Final’ as a result of a police horse pushing the crowd (reported to be 250,000) off the pitch so the match could commence (Dunning, Murphy and Williams 1988).

With the changes in competition and the result of a match becoming more significant for the growing number of teams, the FA realised the need to have a neutral official on-the-field of play and move away from a structure of officiating that had its origins in the public schools. As argued by Dunning and Sheard (1979), the attitudes of the Victorian elite towards a more civilised society meant that causing deliberate injury to an opponent would be seen as ‘ungentlemanly’. Colwell (2000) describes that it was the offending player’s captain during the public school system that had the responsibility to deal with ungentlemanly conduct and decide the appropriate punishment. However, as competition within and between schools increased, umpires became a regular feature at matches. Teams nominated their own umpire, who was required to adjudicate on appeals from the respective team captains. If no decision could be made by the two umpires it was referred to the referee (who was seated outside the playing area) to make the binding decision. The development of the FA Cup and a professional league and international structure meant that the competition became a lot more important, and the need for one on-the-field referee grew (even the early years of the FA Cup had two neutral umpires and an off-the-field referee). Although Colwell (2000) states that by 1880 a referee could order players from the field of play and, by 1890, they could award free kicks without appeal, it was in 1891 that an on-the-field referee, assisted by two linesmen, became responsible for officiating a football match. Thus, the game moved from self-regulation to external regulation although attacks on referees did continue to take place (Dunning et al. 1988).

The popularity of the game was also reflected in the increasing coverage and exposure provided by the print media (Mason 1980; Walvin 1994). By the 1880s, regular Saturday evening sports papers, publishing results and reports of that particular day’s matches began to appear. Whilst the Saturday football special was a success, however, developments within local newspapers provided fans for the first time with exclusive daily coverage of local clubs, and as a result, the relationship between the local newspaper and football supporters began (Russell 1997).

As more teams formed and interest grew, the stadium became an important space for association (mostly amongst working-class men) and the mass appeal of football linked with the popular culture practices of drinking and gambling. The industrial focus and the social importance of the railways meant that many grounds were built in close proximity to the railway station to allow supporters the opportunity to attend in significant numbers. Indeed, as outlined in Chapter 7, although grounds have undergone some modernisation, a number of them remain in exactly the same place as they did when they were built in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Class issues were also prominent, with the working classes taking to the terrace areas of stadia, whilst the middle classes tended to occupy the seating areas.

Even the church, once wholly against the playing of mob games such as football, was also an important component of football’s development towards the end of the nineteenth century (Dunning and Sheard 1979). Encouraging all classes to participate in religion and adhere to its ‘muscular Christian’ beliefs, a number of clubs were established with church connections (such as Aston Villa, Everton and Manchester City). Given the industrial focus in urbanised cities and towns, the church saw football as a means of promoting its own interests in these populous local communities. A number of teams also developed through industrial links such as Manchester United (the railway) and Arsenal (military weapons and equipment).

Despite the popularity of football, professional clubs faced financial difficulty and adopted limited liability status through the newly created Companies Act that consisted of shareholders and a board of directors to protect the officers and founders of clubs from personal liability for any accrued debt (Birley 1995). Until this point many of the teams had been managed by an elected committee, but with increasing competition amongst clubs, wealthy local patrons became an important part of the game because they could provide the necessary finance and ownership of clubs with wage costs and ground developments becoming the most prominent financial outlay (Mason 1980). To prevent individual profiteering within the management of clubs, the FA imposed the Articles of Association to keep clubs as financially secure as possible. Part of this ruling centred on Rule 34 (passed in 1896) that only allowed a 5 per cent dividend payout to directors on their investment and forbade any remuneration payment to protect clubs from asset stripping (Michie and Walsh 1999). This ruling, for some sports historians, is a contentious issue, particularly surrounding whether owners made any money from football clubs. Mason (1980) and Wagg (1984), for example, suggest that the association and prestige afforded to the owners by being involved in a local club was more important than financial gain, whilst Tischler (1981) indicated that club owners did receive direct and indirect personal gain. Many owners were local businessmen, and owning the local club would not only have brought them prestige, but it would also likely to have benefitted their businesses outside of football as well.

Part of the limitation on financial expenditure also affected the footballers themselves, with many directors unhappy at the cost of wages on club revenue. Under pressure from clubs, a maximum wage of £4 was introduced by the FA in 1901 with the premise not only of reducing club wage bills but also of making football more competitively balanced. However, this was regularly circumvented by clubs that upped these payments by other means that included sinecure posts with a generous salary attached or through other covert forms (Birley 1995). Clubs also benefitted from the introduction of a retain-and-transfer system in the late nineteenth century that prevented players from moving to another club during the season. To boost their incomes, the more famous players endorsed or advertised particular products (most commonly football boots and cigarettes) or wrote newspaper columns, although Mason (1980) states that this was often done without the player’s knowledge, and no financial return was gained.

Although football was forced to break for World War I, the Football League expanded rapidly during the early twentieth century and by 1923 there were 88 teams playing in four divisions. However, the inter-war years were particularly difficult for UK football clubs and resulted in rising attendance costs as clubs tried to offset the financial problems many were facing. As the population continued to become more urbanised, club...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Abbreviations
• Introduction
• 1. Football in Context: Industrialism, Urbanism and Global Diffusion in History
• 2. Violence and Aggression: Has Football Always Been Violent?
• 3. The Global Game in Transition: FIFA and the Governance of Football
• 4. ‘Race’, Racism and Whiteness
• 5. Gender: Football Culture in Transition?
• 6. Rupert Murdoch and the Financial Revolution of Football
• 7. The Changing Nature of Football Fans
• 8. Celebrity Football: The Transformation of Players from Local Heroes to Global Superstars
• 9. The Global Game: The Development of National Football Leagues across the World
• References
• Index