International Migration and Development in South Asia

Md Rahman, Tan Tai Yong, Md Mizanur Rahman

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2015
• eBook ISBN: 9781317484837
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Ethnic Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

In migration studies, the nexus between migration and development in the global South has been meticulously debated. However, a unanimous resolution to this debate has not been found, due to the ever-changing nature of international migration. This book advances knowledge on the global debate on the migration-development relationship by documenting experiences in a number of countries in South Asia.

Drawing on the experiences of global South Asians, this volume documents the impact of migration on the social, economic, and political fields in the broader context of development. It also presents a regional experience by looking into the migration-development nexus in the context of South Asia, and analyses the role South Asian migrants and diaspora communities play in the South Asian society. Contributions from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds, including sociology, anthropology, political science, international relations and economics, document the development implications of South Asian migration. Broad in scope in terms of contents, timeline of migration, and geographical coverage, the book presents empirically-based case studies involving India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Nepal and their emigrants living and working in different parts of the world.

Going beyond reporting the impacts of migration on economic development by highlighting the implications of 'social development' on society, this book provides a fascinating contribution to the fields of Asian Development, Migration Studies and South Asian Studies.

1 International migration and development in South Asia

An introduction

Md Mizanur Rahman and Tan Tai Yong

In migration studies, one of the more thoroughly investigated research questions raised since the 1950s is whether international migration brings about development in the emigrant countries in the global South. The nexus between migration and development has been meticulously debated over time, producing substantial literature on the topic (for a review, see Papademetriou and Martin 1991; Hammar et al. 1997; Sørensen et al. 2002; Spaan et al. 2005; Omelaniuk 2012; Faist 2000). However, researchers are still grappling to find a unanimous position to this question. This is because migration is a dynamic field, with the patterns, composition, size and nature of international migration constantly changing. This transforms migration into a more difficult research terrain that demands new conceptual approaches and research methods to explicate its complexities in their entirety. What is interesting about the study of this nexus is that with the changes in international migration, new theoretical approaches and research methodologies have also been applied to explain the nature of the relationship between migration and development. The study of this nexus therefore remains a field of continuous academic exercise. It is precisely this dynamic attribute that provides the much-needed rationale for this volume.

People tend to migrate to relatively developed economies, where they generally acquire an economic ascendance that they would be unable to achieve in their home countries. This advantage of access to comparatively developed economies allows the influence of migrants to reach deeper into their origin societies in different ways, affecting the social, economic and political dimensions of the society. Drawing on the experiences of global South Asians, this volume primarily documents the impact of migration on the social, economic and political fields in the broader context of development. This volume also presents a regional experience by looking into the migration–development nexus in the context of South Asia – a region that has over 50 million migrants living outside the region (Tan and Rahman 2013). In addition, this volume also goes beyond reporting the impacts of migration on economic development (remittance-induced), by highlighting the implications of ‘social development’ on society. Social development relates to the broader development processes that encompass the increase in incomes, accumulation of non-material assets including physical health, education and skills, and institutional aspect of development that allows individuals to translate their economic and human assets into personal welfare (Piper 2011; Van Naerssen et al. 2007; Sørensen 2012; Raghuram 2009; Faist 2008; Dannecker 2009; De Haas 2007). Thus, within the broad canvas of the social development approach, there remains room for both economic and social dimensions of development. This volume looks at the impact of international migration as a process, and views migration-led changes at the levels of the household, community and region in terms of a development process.

The power of international migration in inducing development in an origin country or region depends on three main factors: (i) the numbers involved; (ii) the duration of the movement; and (iii) class composition. South Asian countries are particularly relevant for documenting the migration-induced changes in society because the above-mentioned factors are remarkably present in the case of South Asian migrants and diaspora groups. The global South Asian migrants number over 50 million strong. They comprise both earlier settler emigrants and contemporary migrants (skilled/unskilled, temporary/permanent migration), and possess diverse social (caste, religion, lingual, regional and so on) and economic backgrounds (class). In addition to the factors mentioned above, many South Asian emigrants proactively maintain strong social, economic and cultural connections to their countries of origin in South Asia, while others vie for political rights such as dual citizenship and the right to vote. Thus, the effects of international migration are diverse: they often initiate micro-processes of change that affect individuals and their intimate families, meso-processes involving communities and regions, and macro-processes impacting full society. This volume therefore attempts to address migration-induced changes at the micro-, meso-and macro-levels by documenting case studies of various South Asian migrant groups living in different parts of the world, both as settlers and sojourners.

This book takes an interdisciplinary approach by focusing on permanent immigrants and contemporary sojourner migrants of South Asian origin. The chapters are contributed by a group of scholars who hail from different disciplinary backgrounds such as sociology, anthropology, political science, international relations, and economics. This book is therefore broad in scope in terms of contents, the timeline of migration, and its geographical coverage. Another strength of the volume lies in its empirically-based case studies involving India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Nepal, and their emigrants living and working in the different parts of the world. The chapters in this volume not only examine the implications of migration on development, but also critically scrutinise the reliance on migration and migrant remittances as a development strategy in South Asia. Authors also discuss the contradictions that exist in the assumptions made in migration and development policies about structural conditions in South Asia that stand as barriers to development in the region.

By first embracing South Asian migrants who participate in both South–North and South–South migration, and second acknowledging the different human capital they possess and the different time periods these migrations take place in, this book provides us a lens with which we are enabled to take a broader view of international migration. ‘Development’ is approached from the social development perspective, which relates it to broader processes of development that encompass a holistic spectrum. This includes the increase in incomes and the accumulation of non-material assets including physical health, education, skill formation and transfers, political participation and female empowerment. The interdisciplinary nature of the contributions have, in essence, strengthened the basic theme of this book, which is to arrive at a holistic understanding of the impact that international migration has on the broader development of South Asia.

The following discussions are divided into four sections. The next section discusses the size of international migration from South Asia and its importance for the origin societies, followed by a theoretical and conceptual section that elaborates the development of migration–development debates. We expand the debate to take into consideration contemporary reality in South Asia. This section thus offers a broader framework that encompasses different types of migrants, directions of migration, forms of migration, and dimensions of development. After setting the conceptual background of the volume, the next section elaborates on the structure of the book, summarising each chapter’s key arguments and major findings that revolve around broader themes of this volume. In the conclusion, we provide some final reflections on further research on international migration and development in South Asia.

Significance of international migration for development in South Asia

Broadly, South Asian migration can be divided into two stretches; first the colonial era, and second the post-colonial era (Naujoks 2009; Khatri 2007; Binod 2009; Bronden 2012; Tan and Rahman 2013). Migration during the colonial era started primarily from 1834 after the ban on slavery. Some of the destinations included Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana, East Africa, Guadeloupe, Martinique, La Reunion, and Natal (South Africa). The second stretch can be understood with the two broader divisions: (i) permanent migration to Europe, Oceania (Australia and New Zealand), and North America (the United States and Canada) that significantly started in the 1950s and 1960 with the liberalisation of immigration policies in these countries, and (ii) temporary labour migration to the Middle East in the 1970s and East and Southeast Asia in the 1980s. The oil-price hike in 1973 changed the directions, composition and volume of international migration from South Asia, where more people started to join the labour markets of the Gulf countries than ever before. With the expanding frame of migrant receiving countries, South Korea, Japan, Malaysia and Singapore have also attracted a large number of skilled and semiskilled migrants from South Asia in the 1980s (Rahman and Ullah 2012).

The outflows of international migrants from South Asia saw a constant increase up to 2008, when the total number of migration from the four countries (Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Sri Lanka) reached over two million. However, the flow was affected in 2008 because of a worldwide economic recession (Ozaki 2012). Currently, migrant workers going abroad number about two million a year (Table 1.1). Most migrant workers from South Asia are unskilled or semi-skilled and come from a poor background, and worker migration is a male-dominated phenomenon in most South Asian countries. In Bangladesh, India and Nepal, male migrant workers outnumber female migrant workers by a large extent. In Bangladesh, female migration was prohibited until 2003, with a similar case of female migration to the Middle East countries being banned until 2007 in Nepal. Overall, women constitute approximately 15 per cent of the total migrant workers from South Asia (Ozaki 2012).

In South Asia, remittances sent by migrant workers become a significant source of funds for the economic development of the countries (Table 1.1). Most governments in South Asia view worker migration as a facilitator in curtailing unemployment, reducing poverty and earning foreign exchange through remittances. They therefore make worker migration one of the key economic policy priorities. Remittance, one of the direct outcomes of international migration, is the most beneficial private transaction in the global economy. This often stems from relatively developed economies and goes to the migrant households located in the developing economies. The South Asian region draws nearly one-quarter of the global remittance volume that contributes on average to over 11 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP) of South Asian Countries (Table 1.1).

Among the regions, South Asia was the second largest remittance recipient in 2013, following the East Asia and Pacific (World Bank 2014). The formal remittance inflows to South Asia increased from US$16.13 billion in 2000 to US$111 billion in 2013, where India alone contributed US$70 billion. Among the South Asian countries, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh rank first, seventh and eighth in the world respectively in terms of volume of remittances received in 2013. As a share of GDP, Nepal receives the largest formal remittance inflows (25 per cent) among the South Asian countries and ranks third in the world, followed by Bangladesh (12 per cent), and Sri Lanka (10 per cent). Remittances are also the most important external funding source for South Asian countries (World Bank 2014). The Middle East countries are the largest recipient of South Asian migrant workers and, correspondingly, the amount of remittances originating from the Gulf countries is estimated to account for over 60 per cent of the total remittance inflows to South Asia.

Table 1.1 Outflow of migrants and inflow of remittances in South Asia

Country	Outflow of migrant workers from South Asia, 2012	Remittances US$ million, 2013	Remittances % of GDP, 2013
Bangladesh	607,798	14,228	12
India	747,401	70,000	4
Nepal	384,665	5,210	25
Pakistan	638,587	14,990	6
Sri Lanka	276,639	6,690	10

Source: various sources compiled by author.¹

The 2009 Human Development report ‘Overcoming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development’ has noted that ‘financial remittances are vital in improving the livelihoods of millions of people in developing countries (UNDP 2009: 71). Many empirical studies have confirmed the positive contribution of international remittances to household welfare, nutrition, food, health and living conditions in places of origin (for details about remittances and their uses in South Asia, see Rahman et al. 2014). World Bank’s ‘Global Economic Prospects’ report notes that the remittance inflow has made it possible for Bangladesh to cut poverty by 6 per cent (World Bank 2006: xii). In Nepal, the Nepal Living Standard Survey found that the contribution of remittances in reducing poverty between 1996 and 2003 was 11 per cent. Other contributors included the increase in agricultural wages, an increase in non-farm activities, and some reduction in the dependency ratio. Remittances not only help to reduce poverty, but also reduce the depth and severity of poverty in Nepal and other countries (Khatri 2007). Given the size of the emigrant population and inflows of remittances, international migration has been an avenue for the social uplifting of millions of families in South Asia.

Approaching international migration and dev...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of figures
• List of tables
• Notes on contributors
• Preface and acknowledgements
• List of abbreviations
• 1 International migration and development in South Asia: an introduction
• 2 Innovative incorporation: diasporic representation and political rights in India
• 3 The diaspora meets the development industry: engaging Norwegian-Pakistanis in development back home
• 4 British-Bangladeshi immigrants and the local political landscape in Bangladesh
• 5 Indian professional immigrants and the healthcare sector in India
• 6 A troublesome home? Transnational properties and its discontents in Indian Punjab
• 7 Bangladeshi migration to Southern Europe: implications on migrant families
• 8 Indian migration to the Gulf and development challenges in India
• 9 International migration and economic changes in South Asia: the emergence of the middle class
• 10 Punjabi immigrants and rural development in the Doaba region of Indian Punjab
• 11 International migration and development: prospects and challenges for Nepal
• 12 Pakistani migration to the Gulf and development in the Miranzai valley in Pakistan
• 13 The other side of the migration and development nexus: human trafficking in Sri Lanka
• Index