There is growing recognition of the need for research that offers insights into the transforming relationships between younger and older members of contemporary societies. In contexts across both the global North and the global South one can find commentators describing different generations as âclashingâ (Zemke et al. 2000) or âcollidingâ (Lancaster and Stillman 2009) â or having the potential to do so â in a variety of sites and in relation to a range of issues. A large number of current social, political, economic and environmental concerns are characterized as having significant âgenerationalâ or âintergenerationalâ dimensions. For example, academics and policy makers frequently express worries about the future of the implicit âintergenerational contractâ that underpins the provision of social welfare (Marcum and Treas 2013); movements to combat climate change and reduce rates of natural resource depletion are often underpinned by calls for âintergenerational justiceâ (Gardiner 2006); and many efforts to promote forms of âintergenerational practiceâ (Moore and Statham 2006) have emerged as mechanisms to improve relations between the young and the old. Discussions of the sources of social and political unrest often invoke âgenerational inequalityâ as an explanatory factor, such as in many commentaries on the 2011 London riots (e.g. Berry 2011). Although there is good cause to critique the language of conflict, division and separation that seems to permeate much recent public discourse about intergenerationality, the pervasiveness of this rhetoric is nevertheless indicative of the importance of research that offers new insights into contemporary intergenerational relationships.
In this introduction, we begin by first placing the study of intergenerational space within a wider academic context. We then turn to a discussion of key themes that cross-cut many of the chapters in this collection, followed by an overview of the thematic organization of the book and the contributions of each chapter.
Studying the spaces of intergenerationality
The term âgenerationâ is employed in a variety of different ways both colloquially and in academic discourse. As such, the concept of âintergenerationalityâ is a complex and sometimes confusing one, given that it potentially invokes a wide range of different kinds of relationships, interactions and encounters both within and beyond families. Theorists of age and ageing have advanced a three-fold understanding of the concept of generation in terms of life stages (e.g. âchildâ, âteenagerâ, âmiddle-aged adultâ, or âpensionerâ/âretireeâ), membership of a birth cohort (which is often ascribed particular characteristics and dispositions based on shared historical position and experience) and positions within a family structure (see Hagestad and Uhlenberg 2005; Vanderbeck 2007). Although in many respects analytically distinct, these three notions of generation intersect within the context of individual biographies and, as argued by Biggs and Lowenstein (2011), contribute to the production of generational statuses that are not necessarily experienced or understood by individuals in terms of separate dimensions. Rather, Biggs and Lowenstein suggest, generational status is experienced phenomenologically âas an undifferentiated whole, all in one go, as part of who one isâ (2011: 6), and the social effects of life stage, cohort and family position are often not easily differentiable (if at all). While the question of whether or not generational status is necessarily experienced as âan undifferentiated wholeâ is an empirical one that might be answered differently in different contexts, nevertheless in practice the significance of various dimensions of generational status can be difficult to disentangle. And, as we elaborate below, many of our contributors are not interested solely in a single dimension of intergenerationality but rather recognize how in particular situations multiple notions of intergenerationality come into play.
The diversity of usages of the term âgenerationâ (and, hence, âintergenerationalâ) in the social sciences has proven a source of critique, with some scholars (e.g. Närvänen and Näsman 2004) arguing that use of the term should be more narrowly restricted to provide greater analytical precision and avoid potential confusion. However, while we would agree that it is important that scholars delineate how they are using the terms âgenerationâ and âintergenerationalâ, it is not our goal in this collection to attempt to impose a particular fixed understanding of these concepts. Rather, we seek to provide a multidisciplinary (and often interdisciplinary) showcase for recent scholarship that attempts to address important conceptual, theoretical, methodological and empirical challenges related to the sites and spaces of intergenerational conflict, cohesion and change (broadly conceived). In doing so, we hope to contribute to bringing different traditions and strands of work into conversation with one another.
The idea for this collection originated in a conference hosted by the Citizenship and Belonging research cluster of the School of Geography at the University of Leeds entitled âIntergenerational Geographies: Spaces, Identities, Relationships, Encountersâ in May 2012. In organizing the event, we certainly hoped to attract some interest from beyond human geography in the disciplineâs expanding conversation on intergenerationality, but we were pleasantly surprised that roughly half of the submitted abstracts originated from outside of geography departments. This suggests not only that issues of space (and other geographical ideas) are of potentially wide interest for research on intergenerationality, but also that there is a need for venues for these multi-and interdisciplinary conversations about the geographies of intergenerationality to transpire.
It has been argued that research related to age had developed in a highly compartmentalized fashion within the discipline of geography (Vanderbeck 2007), with quite separate literatures having evolved in relation to childhood/youth (an area of research that had seen substantial growth over the previous decades) and old age (an area of research that has experienced relative contraction). Despite an evident shared concern in these literatures with issues of generational separation, segregation and conflict, these literatures rarely spoke directly to one another. Further, while the tendency in geographical research related to age has been to focus on the âbookendâ (Hagestad and Uhlenberg 2005: 350) generations (i.e. the young and the old), the category âadultâ holds an ambivalent position. In one sense, âadultsâ are arguably (and implicitly) the primary actors of concern in the majority of human geographical research (as is true in most other social science areas); however, their generational status as adults is infrequently problematized or conceptualized. Certain âadultâ identities and experiences are interrogated in relation to specific roles, such as in often feminist-influenced research on parenting practices and cultures (e.g. Katz and Monk 1993; Holloway 1998; Aitken 2009) or on the care responsibilities of adult children towards ageing parents (e.g. Bailey et al. 2004). Nevertheless, adulthood as a position and life stage remains somewhat under conceptualized in much human geographical research (Vanderbeck 2010).
There have been recent efforts by geographers to view age through a more relational, less compartmentalized lens (Hopkins and Pain 2007), and there is an evident growing interest in ideas regarding intergenerationality in the discipline (e.g. Tarrant 2010; Hopkins et al. 2011; Waite and Cook 2011; Valentine et al. 2012; Mitchell and Elwood 2013; but see Horton and Kraftl 2008). While other disciplines and research areas have their own specific histories and trajectories, a tendency towards compartmentalization in age-related research has not been solely evident in geography. Hagestad and Uhlenberg (2005: 346), for example, in reviewing scholarship on the theme of age segregation (which features prominently in this collection, as we elaborate below) note their puzzlement that âthe literature ⌠never combined an interest in both young and oldâ. There certainly remains scope for greater engagement and dialogue between social gerontology and childhood/youth studies (but see Hockey and James 1995; Settersten 2005, 2007). There are also established traditions of research on issues of intergenerational space that resonate with the concerns of geographers and with which there is greater scope for cross-disciplinary engagement. For example, the Journal of Intergenerational Relationships published its first issue in 2003 and routinely features work on themes related to intergenerational space, although direct engagement with the corpus of geographical thinking is not all that common (but see, for example, Kinoshita 2009; Mannion 2012). While one certainly can find many examples of interchange and collaboration, there is some truth in the claim that âthe different disciplines which are engaged with the concept of generation, such as sociology, psychology, medicine, [and] geography, rarely cross-communicateâ (Biggs and Lowenstein 2011: 3).