An activist approach
âThe boys told me I couldnât play with them because I was a girl and I was Black⌠Some boys donât want the girls to play because they are girls and I think thatâs a real problem because we should all be able to do what we want to do. We should all be able to play.â Maggie Mae, age 10
âThe boys also say that we are dumb, stupid and wouldnât last five seconds [in sports] ⌠and that youâre a woman and you need to stay in your place.â Maggie Mae, age 10
âWe can bring all the fifth-grade girls in and interview them and ask them how they feel when the boys say different things to them. I believe it will help, because itâs not very fair for us girls and it doesnât feel very nice at all, because I know for myself that I do not appreciate it at all, and itâs just a whole lot of chaos going around every day and you see different things happen to girls.â Maggie Mae, age 10
Oliver and Hamzeh, 2010, p. 43â44
We begin with the words of a 10-year-old African American girl who has articulated the âproblemâ as she sees it with girls playing, and has simultaneously outlined âwhat should be doneâ to address this problem. We have chosen to start here for two reasons: first, Maggie Mae shows us clearly how forms of race and gender inequity operate in her particular school to prevent girls from being physically active; second, and more important than merely showing the inequity, she shows us that identifying the problem is insufficient. We must do something, act in some way, to change this âproblemâ so that girls at this school can engage in physical activity without abuse from boys. In her 10-year-old fashion, she asked us as researchers to help her and other girls change their school so that all girls could play. Herein lies the power of activist research. When we work in collaboration and in action with participants we donât just, as Enright and OâSullivan (2012) claim, produce different knowledge, we also produce knowledge differently. The difference is in the action: action directed towards challenging and changing barriers, identified by our participants, so that they might have better opportunities to play and to be active.
This book is intended to be a basis for action. In it, we seek to bring together, in one accessible volume, lines of research and scholarly advocacy in education and physical education stretching back to the 1980s, on work with girls, and with feminist and critical pedagogies. Although the book is intended to provide an accessible account of this research and advocacy, we see it not as any kind of definitive statement of an activist approach to physical education, but on the contrary, as a starting point for further research-based pedagogical action.
We start our introduction by briefly outlining the key aspects of activist research that have informed the body of physical education scholarship from which this book draws. First, activist scholars work from the belief that knowledge is produced in collaboration and in action. Second, they work from the belief that merely documenting âwhat isâ is no longer sufficient with respect to understanding how to better engage girls in physical activity and physical education. As such, they move towards an intentional focus on studying âwhat might beâ by collaborating with their participants to find spaces for change. Finally, activist scholars work from the belief that social transformation starts at the micro level in localized contexts. It is through this type of understanding that we can start to see where and how change is possible.
A first key aspect of activist research is that it is an âepistemology that assumes knowledge is rooted in social relations and most powerful when produced collaboratively through actionâ (Fine et al., 2001, p. 173). Activist scholars start from the belief that those with whom they work carry particular forms of knowledge, critique, and vision that is not obvious or automatically accessible to outsiders such as researchers (Fine et al., 2004). The activist researchers whose work informs the basis of this book have all worked from the position that girls themselves have insights into what does and does not work for them with respect to physical activity enjoyment and engagement. Activists work from the belief that valid knowledge is produced only in action: action with, not on or for, but action with participants. This is what sets activist work apart from traditional interventions that are designed and implemented by researchers without any collaboration with those who are the targets of such interventions (for example, McKenzie et al., 2004). This work is also set apart from those who do research âonâ girls in order to âbetter understandâ their perceptions (for example, Azzarito and Katzew, 2010; Azzarito and Solmon, 2009).
A second key aspect of activist research is the belief that merely documenting âwhat isâ is no longer sufficient with respect to understanding how to better engage girls in physical activity and physical education. Much of the activist research in physical education draws heavily on feminist and critical pedagogies with a strong commitment towards social justice and social transformation (Fine, 1994; Freire, 1974; Giroux, 1997; hooks, 1995). Giroux (1997) writes:
A critical pedagogy has to begin with a dialectical celebration of the languages of critique and possibilityâan approach which finds its noblest expression in a discourse integrating critical analysis with social transformation ⌠[around] problems rooted in the concrete experiences of everyday life (p. 132).
Merging the language of critique and possibility, activists work from the perspective that understanding âwhat isâ, although necessary, is not sufficient and thus they are intentional in their collaboration with girls towards creating that âwhich might beâ. Part of moving from âwhat isâ to âwhat might beâ requires a shift in how we work with our participants. âBy making girlsâ everyday experiences central to the research we are able to see the circulating discourses that shape their subjectivities, search for places to explore their agency, and work collaboratively with them to practice changeâ (Oliver, Hamzeh and McCaughtry, 2009 p. 93).
Finally, activists work from the belief that social transformation starts at the micro level in localized contexts. It is through this type of understanding that we can start to see where and how change is possible and as such we begin to write in ways that reflect what Weis and Fine (2004) note as critical to activist research:
Our commitment to revealing sites for possibility derives not only from a theoretical desire to re-view âwhat isâ and âwhat could be,â but also from an ethical belief that critical researchers have an obligation not simply to dislodge the dominant discourse, but to help readers and audiences imagine where the spaces for resistance, agency, and possibility lie.
Weis and Fine, 2004, p. xxi
Part of what the collective body of activist research in physical education illuminates is particular ways of working with girls that do seem to facilitate their interest, learning, enjoyment and engagement in physical education and physical activity. It is on this knowledge that our book focuses its attention.
The task for activist pedagogy: valuing the physically active life
Activists start at the local level. This is not only vitally important to the success of their work, but it is also possible to share an overarching goal for physical education with other activists working in other locales. This goal has to have a clear focus, it needs to reflect the unique contribution physical education makes in the school curriculum, and it needs to have the potential to make a difference for the better that everyone can embrace. This goal for physical education is for all young people to learn to value the physically active life. We believe this is the task for activist pedagogues in physical education.
Physical educators in many countries have a long history of commitment to the idea that the main purpose of school physical education is to facilitate the lifelong participation of young people in physical activity, typically in the form of sport, exercise or active leisure, dance, meditative and martial arts and outdoor adventure activities. Central to this purpose is the transfer of learning, from the school to life beyond the school, contemporaneously and into adulthood. This aspiration has often informed the standard âbroad and balancedâ programme of individual and team games, aquatics, gymnastics, dance, health-related exercise and adventure activities that is common to many countries across the world (Puhse and Gerber, 2005).
If we are to trust the many surveys of adult physical activity, it is an aspiration that physical education has rarely managed to achieve (Kirk, 2010). With some exceptions, for example, in the Scandinavian countries, few adults who do engage in regular and lifelong physical activity do so despite, rather than because of, their school physical education experiences (for example, Flintoff and Scraton, 2001). Fewer still continue to participate in the games and sports that dominated their school programmes.
Despite our poor track record in realizing this common hope for physical education, we want to argue along with Siedentop (1996) that valuing the physically active life should be a main purpose of school physical education. If we could improve on the situation that currently exists, in small increments, this would be a truly radical aspiration that could provide significant benefits to individuals and society. Siedentop explains this notion of valuing the physically active life as follows:
Valuing physical activity is most clearly revealed not in what we say or write about it, but in the decisions we make to arrange a daily or weekly schedule so that activity participation is possible even though there are other important or attractive alternatives. Although participation may be the key component in valuing physical activity, we must attend to a second component of valuing: willingness to participate in the sport, fitness, and leisure activity cultures in ways that are literate and critical.
By literate, I mean that persons are knowledgeable and activist cyclists, volleyball players, hikers, and the like. People should be knowledgeable about sport, fitness, and leisure, and be willing to use that knowledge as activist participants in helping to preserve, protect, and improve the practice of their activity.
By critical, I mean that persons should understand the structural inequities in their local, regional, and national activity cultures that may limit access to activity based on irrelevant attributes such as race, gender, age, handicapping conditions, or socioeconomic status. Individuals should value fair access to participation so much that they are willing to work at local, regional, and national levels to make that activity more available to more people.
Siedentop, 1996, p. 266
This definition focuses on valuing, a verb that implies something deeper, more committed and longer lasting that mere knowing or doing. Valuing the physically active life, according to Siedentop, is dispositional. Part of what it means to value the physically active life is to habitually and routinely make time to be active, even in the face of attractive alternatives, and his notions of literacy and criticality are also important. Literacy points up the fact that there are things to know as part of the act of valuing. Moreover, criticality suggests valuing is not an individualistic act, focused solely on the self, but recognizes social and physical cultural conditions, locally and more universally, and the need for a collective understanding of barriers and opportunities to be active.
As physical educators, we believe that a major aspiration for working with girls is that they develop a disposition to be physically active on a regular, sustained and sustainable basis. Without an experiential base in physical activity, we can have only a limited impact on girlsâ understanding of the barriers they face to valuing the physically active life. This physical activity must be purposeful and it must be meaningful to girls in the moments of their engagement or else learning to value the physically active life is less likely. The experience of purposeful physical activity also provides an essential basis for cultural critique, through which girls can learn to name, critique, negotiate and overcome barriers to their physical activity engagement or enjoyment. It is through this process that they can come to move beyond what is and to embrace what might be.