The Sudanese Communist Party

Ideology and Party Politics

Tareq Y. Ismael, Tareq Ismael

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2015
• Print ISBN: 9780415505574
• eBook ISBN: 9781136331015
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Ethnic Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

This book serves as a case study of the Sudanese Communist Party and its impact as a grassroots movement that championed the Sudanese people. It accomplishes this by providing a rich narrative that details the SCP's inception, main players, important milestones and values of the Party. In this narrative, the author not only delivers a comprehensive examination of the party components, he guides readers through their connections to one another, but also associates them, and the party, to Sudanese society at large. Using original party documents and interviews with leading figures, this book is the first time this subject has been detailed so extensively in one publication. It is also the only up-to-date work available on the subject and includes analysis of the most recent party congress and the division of the Sudan and creation of the newly independent Republic of South Sudan.

1 The emergence and rise of the party

At the time of its independence from Britain in January 1956 after fifty-eight years of colonial rule, the major political parties in Sudan were al-’Ummah and al-Ḥizb al-Waṭanî al-Ittiḥâdî (National Unionist Party [NUP]). Both al-’Ummah and NUP drew their major support from different Sudanese religious sects; al-’Ummah from the Mahdiyyah, and the NUP from the Khâtimiyyah, and other minor sufi orders such as Sâmanniyyah and Qâdiriyyah. In addition, The Muslim Brotherhood (MB), founded as a branch of the Egyptian movement, attracted some support of pan-Islamic fundamentalists and students. For the more secular Sudanese, the Sudanese Movement for National Liberation (SMNL), and later, the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), offered alternatives to traditional and conservative organizations.

The SCP formally came into being in 1949 when its first party conference was held.¹ By 1971, it was considered the largest, best organized, and most prominent communist party in the Arab world, with an estimated 50,000 to 80,000 members and supporters, including peasants, workers, intellectuals, and even religious leaders.² In all three major national revolutions of 1964, 1969, and 1985, communists played a leading role, subsequently holding a number of ministerial posts with high-ranking members in key positions throughout the government. Despite the bloody suppression of the communists by Nimîrî in 1971, and more than a decade of clandestine existence thereafter, the party managed to maintain its structure and identity. Because of this, it not only re-emerged as a significant national force following Nimîrî’s downfall in April 1985, but it, in fact, played a significant role in the April revolution itself.

This chapter will examine the emergence of the SCP in Sudanese politics. The rise of the SCP will be viewed within the larger context of the development of Sudanese nationalism during the first half of the twentieth century. Accordingly, the chapter will be divided into two main sections. The first will trace the rise and development of Sudanese anti-colonial activities during the first half of the twentieth century, and will sketch the evolution of Sudanese nationalism during this period. The second will look at the genesis of the communist movement in Sudan in the 1920s, as well as the different political dynamics that led to the establishment of the SCP in the late 1940s.

Sudanese nationalism and the road to independence

The rise of Sudanese nationalism can be traced to the early twentieth century. Similar to many other nationalist movements, the nationalist movement in Sudan evolved in several phases. Each of these phases was characterized by a different set of political dynamics corresponding to the then-prevailing political, economic, social, and cultural conditions. Sudanese historians, such as Muḥammad Sa‘îd al-Qaddâl, refer to five main phases in the development of modern Sudanese nationalism.³

The first phase (1900–18) was characterized by the rise of religious and tribal forms of resistance to British occupation. During this period, several religiously oriented movements were still inspired by the legacy of the Mahdist state and the idea of the return of the Mahdî (the Expected Deliverer).⁴ The Mahdist state had been established in 1885, first under Muḥammad Aḥmad Ibn ‘Abd-ul-lah and then under ‘Abd-ul-lah Ibn Muḥammad, known as the Khalîfah. In June 1881, Muḥammad Aḥmad Ibn ‘Abd-ul-lah, whose family was claimed to be ashrâf (descendants of Prophet Muḥammad), professed to being the “Redeemer” and called himself al-Mahdî. He led what came to be known as the “Mahdist movement,” a religious movement which called for a return to the fundamentals of early Islam, and became very critical of the Turko-Egyptian administration that had ruled Sudan since 1821. The movement attracted thousands of people, known as al-Anṣâr (supporters), from across the country. The movement’s appeal to a large segment of Sudanese was mainly due to its religious nature and the growing disconnect among the Sudanese with the oppressive and corrupt practices of the Turko-Egyptian administration. In 1882, al-Mahdî led al-Anṣâr in a Jihad (Holy War) against the Turko-Egyptian rulers, and unexpectedly by 1885, al-Anṣâr had defeated the Turko-Egyptian forces and gained control over major parts of the country, particularly in the north. In the same year, al-Mahdî died and his successor Khalîfah ‘Abd-ul-lah laid the foundation for the Mahdist centralized state in Sudan.⁵ Thirteen years later, the Mahdist order came to an end when the British defeated the Khalîfah at the battle of ’Umdurmân in September 1898 and occupied the country. But despite the fall of the Mahdist state, the religious movement itself did not end. For almost two decades under British colonialism, a number of Mahdist-inspired religious movements challenged British colonial authority, and several Mahdist uprisings broke out in different parts of the country in desperate attempts to restore the old order. Perhaps the most serious of these uprisings were those led by ‘Alî ‘Abd-ul-Karîm in 1900, ‘Abd-ul-Qâdir Wâd Ḥabbûb in 1908, and ‘Abd-ul-lah al-Siḥînî in 1921. Most of these movements, however, lacked discipline and effective organizational structures, and thus were easily crushed by the British.⁶

There was also tribe-based resistance to the British. This resistance emanated primarily from the Nuba area and southern Sudan, largely in response to British attempts to extend the jurisdiction of the central government over tribal areas, by way of disarming the tribes and forcing them to pay taxes to the central government; consequently, a series of armed confrontations broke out between the British forces and the tribes. The first clash confrontation took place in 1904, in the Nuba Mountains area, when the people there refused to pay taxes to the government. Among the more serious uprisings that broke out at that time were the ones by the Zandy and Dinka tribes between 1917 and 1919. Although this tribal resistance was quite violent in nature, the British managed to crush it, though at a relatively high cost.⁷

The second phase in the development of modern Sudanese nationalism (1919–24) witnessed the rise of a nascent form of nationalist consciousness among the Sudanese. Such nationalist consciousness needs to be explained against the background of a number of important developments at local, regional, and international level. First, there was the rise of a relatively small middle class in the urban areas after the end of World War I. This newly emerging class consisted of traders, university graduates, writers, and poets. With their involvement in commercial activities, Sudanese traders began to realize the negative impact of the colonial order on the expansion of their activities, because the trade sector in Sudan at that time was mainly controlled by foreigners and foreign companies. For example:

Of the 11 major importers of agricultural machinery, eight were foreign, two were Sudanese immigrants and only one was Sudanese-born. Moreover, these foreign companies usually controlled the whole, or a very large share, of exports of the major commodities. They also acted as representatives in the Sudan for a multiplicity of foreign companies.⁸

Such foreign control over the export–import trade put heavy constraints on the development and expansion of local Sudanese capital at that time. Meanwhile, the educated class began searching for channels through which it could further its interests and communicate its ideas. For that purpose, they established several cultural leagues.

The second development was the rise of nationalist movements throughout the Arab world, the Egyptian movement of Muṣṭafâ Kâmil and Sa‘d Zaghlûl being most notable. The Egyptian nationalist discourse at that time had a significant influence on the direction of the newly emerging nationalist movement in Sudan. The most important influence was related to the outbreak of the 1919 Egyptian revolt, which provided a great source of inspiration to the Sudanese middle class.⁹ Furthermore, earlier in 1916 came news of an Arab revolt against the British in Arabia. Other Arab countries, including Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon, also witnessed the emergence of strong anti-colonial struggles.

The third development had to do with the end of World War I and the rise of the “self-determination” idea in President Wilson’s fourteen points. Wilson’s ideas were widely discussed in the Egyptian press, which was considered a major, if not the major source of information to the Sudanese educated class at that time, especially for those who had studied in Egypt. All combined, these developments had a profound impact on the creation of incipient nationalist consciousness among the Sudanese middle class, who felt socially closer to the Muslim, Arabic-speaking Egyptians than to the British.

This newly emerging nationalist consciousness was reflected as early as 1920. In that year, several leagues and societies were founded across Sudan in the major cities, the most influential being the League of Sudanese Union, a secret society that promoted union with Egypt. Considered the first serious political organization in Sudan since the British occupation of the country, the League was founded by ‘Ubaiyd Ḥâjj al-’Amîn, Muḥyî-d-Dîn Abû-Saif, Sulaimân Kishah, ‘Alî ‘Abd-ul-Laṭîf, and Ibrâhîm Badrî, and mainly consisted of Gordon College graduates. The League criticized British policy in Sudan and accused the government of trying to disengage Sudan from Egypt.¹⁰ According to ‘Abdel Rahim, the League “made a substantial contribution to the organization of opposition especially among the young. Through their rapidly increasing circle of contacts, the critics of the regime were better able to spread hostile propaganda up and down the country.”¹¹ Another important development took place in the same year when ‘Alî ‘Abd-ul-Laṭîf – a founding member of the League of Sudanese Union – sent an article titled “The Claims of the Sudanese Nation” to the editor of Al-Ḥadârah newspaper asking for its publication. There is no reference to the exact wording of ‘Abd-ul-Laṭîf’s article, but it was said that the article included the following points:¹²

1. Sudan needed a guide to reach independence, and it was for the Sudanese people to choose this guide.

2. It called for widening the scope of education, ending government monopoly over the sugar industry, and appointing Sudanese citizens to senior positions.

3. It criticized religious and tribal chiefs for their loyalty to British authorities.

The article was rejected, but the government took notice of it, resulting in the imprisonment of ‘Abd-ul-Laṭîf for one year, on the basis that the article was inflammatory and anti-government. In 1923, ‘Abd-ul-Laṭîf was released and “was generally acclaimed as a national hero and became the acknowledged leader of the opposition to the British government of the Sudan.”¹³ In May 1924, he founded the White Flag League, another secret society that included a small group of politically inexperienced intelligentsia and a few Sudanese officers. The main objective of the White Flag League was to promote national consciousness among the Sudanese.¹⁴ The “White Flag” slogan had a number of indications to the League’s political orientation, symbolizing the moderate and non-violent approach adopted by the League toward the British. In addition, it was intended to emphasize the question of the “Sudanese nation” over ethnic, tribal, or religious loyalties. It was also intended to distinguish “Sudanese nationalism” from its Egyptian counterpart, with the latter having the Green Flag as its symbol at that time. Parallel to this orientation, the White Flag League authorized the Egyptian Wafdist government of Sa‘d Zaghlûl to represent the Sudanese nation in any future talks with the British. It considered the Wafdist regime the main voice on the Sudanese question. As a result, the League refrained from getting involved in major anti-British demonstrations and activities, in order not to undermine the position of the Egyptian government in its negotiations with the British.¹⁵ Nevertheless, it was said that the League played a role in the outbreak of a series of anti-British demonstrations in several parts of the country in 1924; most serious was a demonstration by students of the military college in 1924, a protest which came later to be called the 1924 uprising. In these demonstrations, the Sudanese were not merely inspired by the nationalist experience in Egypt, but were also backed and supported by elements from the Egyptian military units operating in Sudan. The uprising, in fact, witnessed some armed confrontations between the British and the students of the military college, but it did not last long, as the British managed to crush it that same year using overwhelming force. In addition, the League itself was easily destroyed by the British in 1924, the same year of its inception.

At this stage, it is important to refer to the phenomenon of religious and political sectarianism that represented a major feature of Sudanese society and politics. This sectarianism found its roots in the period prior to the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, and was manifested in the rivalry between al-Khâtimiyyah and al-Anṣâr, the largest politico-religious sects in Sudan. Al-Khâtimiyyah sect, whose sphere of influence was located in the center, east, and north of Sudan, found its roots within the “Khâtimiyyah Tariqah” movement which was founded by Saiyyid Muḥammad ‘Uthmân al-Mirghanî (1793–1853), an Egyptian who traveled widely in Sudan during the period of the Turko-Egyptian rule.¹⁶ Al-Anṣâr sect, on the other hand, has its influence in western and central Sudan, and found its roots in the “Mahdist” movement established by Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd-ul-lah. The rivalry between al-Khâtimiyyah and al-Anṣâr went back to the period of Turko-Egyptian rule. Al-Khâtimiyyah collaborated with the...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Table of Contents
• Preface
• 1 The emergence and rise of the party
• 2 The party and Sudanese politics after independence
• 3 The party and the Nimîrî regime
• 4 The SCP in post-Nimîrî Sudan
• 5 The party and the al-Bashîr regime
• 6 Crisis in the party
• 7 Renewal of the party
• 8 Party positions on local and regional issues
• 9 Conclusion: the legacy of the Sudanese Communist Party
• Appendix I: ‘The Dilemma of the Southern Intellectual: Is it Justified?’ Joseph U. Garang (limited circulation)
• Appendix II: Composition of the NDA
• Appendix III: The SCP’s reservations about the Darfur Peace Agreement
• Appendix IV: ‘Our Vision: Manifesto of the New Sudanese Forces Movement’ (limited circulation, date unknown)
• Appendix V: Selections from Post-Secession Issues and Tasks
• Notes
• Index