PART I
Chinaās transfer venues
1
CHINESE TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER
An Introduction
William C. Hannas and Huey-Meei Chang
Chinaās reputation for innovative technology, exemplified in popular lore by its āfour great inventionsā1 and chronicled in Joseph Needhamās encyclopedic account,2 has lost its luster in recent decades as reports of industrial espionage swamp mainstream media, and accounts of systematic intellectual property rights (IPR) abuse emerge into public view.
Evidence for this behavior is pervasive.3 Less well known perhaps is that Chinaās appetite for foreign technology is not a new phenomenon, and not an aberration in historical terms. That is, these practices did not begin with the founding of the Peopleās Republic in 1949. Indeed, as will be shown below, China has struggled with a ācreativity problemā for much of its history. The implications of this dependency are two-fold:
ā¢ On the one hand, attempts by foreign governments to manage Chinaās licit and illicit transfers have had little effect, since they are rooted in habits that date back more than a centuryālonger if one considers cognitive preferencesāand cannot be changed easily.
ā¢ On the other hand, Chinaās ability to compete internationally despite this apparent handicap suggests that its composite innovation system4āwhatever one thinks of itāhas merit, and must be confronted on its own terms as a viable developmental model.
In part a product of conscious design, in part a consequence of a mindset that accords priority to practical achievement, China has built a hybrid structure that is able to exploit foreign successes, while drawing on indigenous resources as needed. Western hopes notwithstanding, there is little prospect it will transition to a ānormalā (Western) model on its own.
This chapter begins with an overview of the mechanisms supporting Chinaās drive to acquire foreign technology āby various meansā (仄å¤ē§ę¹å¼),5 as a foundation for exploring its causes and as an introduction to later chapters that discuss its workings and consequences.
Our immediate goal is to trace the systemās development, catalog its enablers, discuss venues through which foreign technology acquires āChinese characteristicsā (i.e., is commercialized), and lay out the statutory record that ties this activity to the state. A final section addresses the myths that inhibit effective countermeasures.
Changing the soup without changing the medicine
Chinaās quest for the worldās technology began in the mid-nineteenth century in reaction to foreign threats. As always, the motivation was practical necessity. China had lost a series of wars to imperialist powers and was forced to cede territory and sovereignty. Encumbered by a moribund education system, by a social structure that rewarded the least adaptive elements of society,6 and by its own history of success, the country was ill-prepared to counter the spectrum of challenges that industrialized nations posed.
Sweeping changes needed to effect meaningful reforms, such as those made in Japan during the Meiji era (1868ā1911), were not possible in China given its size, past, and the hubris of its ruling class. What followed were efforts to patch the system without changing its natureāchanging the soup without changing the medicine (ę¢ę±¤äøę¢čÆ).7 These efforts include, notably, Chinaās self-strengthening movement (čŖå¼ŗčæåØ, 1861ā1895)8 and, especially, Zhang Zhidongās (å¼ ä¹ę“, 1837ā1909) famous proposal to take āChinese learning as substance, Western learning for applicationā (äøå¦äøŗä½ļ¼č„æå¦äøŗēØ).9 Forced to choose between loss of autonomy and forfeiting its cultural identity, China sought the middle ground of acquiring abroad what was neededābut only what was neededāto preserve its traditional way of life.10
Unsurprisingly, the āti-yongā (ä½ēØ) proposition has been criticized universally for ignoring the social milieu of which technology is a part. Importation begs the question of how a technology can be replicated and sustained, absent the conditions that brought it to life. Yet it is impossible to look at Chinaās subsequent history and fail to appreciate that this same formula, though not explicitly stated, has guided Chinaās post-1949 industrial developmentānot unsuccessfully.11
Today China prospers in many technological fields through indigenous and foreign-inspired efforts, while maintaining a political structure not far removed from traditional norms. The country continues to exercise its remarkable ability to adapt, apply, and improve technology, while compensating for a lack of āWesternā style creativity by reaching abroad.
If ti-yong is a failure, it is a remarkably persistent one.
In the same vein, China has sent hundreds of thousands of students abroad to enrich its technological base without impacting Chinaās survival as an authoritarian dictatorship. The practice began in 1872, when China sent 120 students to the United States, and has grown to where some 25 percent of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) graduates in the US are Chinese nationals.12 What is notableābeyond the dependency itselfāis that the Westās dream of returnees transforming China into a liberal replica of the West is no closer to reality than a century and a half ago, when the first batch of students returned to find that their cultural makeover was unwelcome.13
Has the situation changed? Here is an excerpt from Chinese President Xi Jinpingās speech in 2013 to an overseas student organization,14 in which Xi doubles down on a statement made by one of his predecessors:
As Comrade Deng Xiaoping profoundly pointed out, āWe are carrying out socialist modernization to catch up with the developed capitalist countries economically and, politically, create a higher and more effective democracy than the capitalist countries. Moreover, we will train more and better skilled persons than in those countries.ā15
The message is clear: the goal of foreign study is, as before, a stronger China; āWesternā democracy is not part of the agenda. Bring back the technology, leave the baggage where you found it āthe very essence of ti-yong.
Between then and now China has steadily grown its state-supported apparatus for transferring foreign technology, from its early ālean to one sideā (äøč¾¹å) reliance on Soviet Russia (1950s); through the establishment of a world-class open-source document procurement system in 1956; joint R&D ventures and more overseas study after Chinaās āopeningā in 1978; mobilization of diaspora networks and proliferation of foreign-based S&T support associations from the late 1980s; multiple foreign ātalentā (äŗŗę) outreach programs beginning in 1994; the creation of Overseas Chinese Scholar (OCS) returnee parks also in 1994, where ideas (and IPR) accessed abroad...