Worldwide, natural resources are faced with increasing pressures from globalization, growing consumption levels, stark disparities between the rich and the poor and contestation for use by different stakeholders (Agardy et al 2005; Turner and Fisher 2008; German et al 2010). The consequences of this approach are well-known: runaway climate change, accelerated biodiversity loss and deforestation, a decline in well-being for billions of people and a planet that many describe as being at a tipping point of irreversible change (World Health Organization [WHO] 2005; Rockström et al 2009; Biermann et al 2012; Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] 2012). These threats have had a severe impact on local communities and indigenous people, many of whom are exposed to abject poverty and rely on natural resources for food security, income and livelihoods (Fabricius et al 2004; Béné 2008; Nelson 2010; Barrett et al 2011). This is especially the case in Africa, where biologically rich forests, drylands, savannahs, rivers, lakes and seas underpin the livelihoods of millions of people.
Histories of colonialism, independence and âmodernizationâ have fundamentally changed the way in which natural resources are accessed and used in Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa in particular. A growing consensus among scholars and development practitioners points to governance as the most significant obstacle to enabling sustainable use of these resources and, more widely, securing a development path for developing countries that is sustainable and equitable (Ribot 2004; United Nations Development Programme [UNDP] 2005; Cronkleton et al 2008; Adger and Jordan 2009; Ratner and Allison 2012). Indeed, governance has taken central stage in unfolding debates about the nature and role of the state in managing natural resources, the way in which the state interacts with other social actors, the evolving systems of rules that shape these actions and the plurality of social and legal systems â more especially in rural areas where customary rules often still hold strong (Kooiman et al 2005; Treib et al 2007). Governance, at its most general level, is about steering and guiding society and the economy through collective action to address problems and achieve common goals (Kooiman et al 2005; Torfing et al 2012). It is a slippery concept with a diversity of definitions and understandings. In the natural resource arena, it is thus increasingly interpreted in its widest sense as comprising âpolitical, institutional, and cultural frameworks through which diverse interests in natural and cultural resources are coordinated and controlledâ (Cronkleton et al 2008: 1) with interactions between and across a wide diversity of governing actors (Kooiman et al 2005).
What, then, does governance mean in the context of natural resource management in sub-Saharan Africa, and how can it be configured to best meet the needs of the poor, in a way that is both socially just and ecologically sustainable? This question underpins the rationale for this book, which seeks to understand the nature of governance across a range of natural resource sectors and governance approaches. The book builds on a spate of recent books on governance and natural resources in Africa (e.g. Keeley and Scoones 2003; Fabricius et al 2004; Nelson 2010; German et al 2010; Ojha et al 2013), but seeks to provide a more holistic, interdisciplinary and multisectoral perspective on governance by including case studies from a host of natural resource sectors across sub-Saharan Africa, which focus on different dimensions and modes of governance.
The intention is to enhance the understanding of governance across diverse natural resource sectors, in order to learn lessons about the complex interactions and institutional arrangements that constitute governance. It is also to provide guidance on the principles, approaches, processes and mechanisms that lead to or mitigate against equitable, socially just and environmentally sustainable outcomes.
A key assumption underlying this book is that both social justice and environmental sustainability are desirable societal objectives. Yet, they may not always be compatible. Our central thesis is that it is the nature and mode of governance that will ultimately determine the extent to which these objectives can be fulfilled and where trade-offs need to be negotiated.
Of particular interest are governance modes involving interactions and processes which work towards outcomes that do not exacerbate the situation of the most vulnerable members of society. The chapters of this book thus seek to explore the extent to which considerations of justice and sustainability inform governance interactions and interventions, as well as the institutional arrangements and decision processes that determine who gets what, when and how.
Natural resource use in sub-Saharan Africa: Ecology, economy and context
The geographies of sub-Saharan Africa â the regionâs physical attributes, ecological composition, social and economic profile, political economy and history â are integrally tied to the governance and use of natural resources in the region. Key physical characteristics include an erratic and variable climate, highly erodible and often nutrient-poor soil and severely constrained water resources. In southern Africa, which is the focus of many of the chapters in this book, most of the region receives less than 600 millimetres of rainfall per year, and aridity and drought are central features of the landscape (Southern African Development Community [SADC] 2008). At the same time, the region is extremely rich in biodiversity, with floral species forming the foundation of more than 70 of the major vegetation units that are nested within the subcontinentâs six floristically distinct biomes (Cowling and Hilton-Taylor 1997). The diversity of terrestrial, freshwater and marine ecosystems includes an array of wildlife, ranging from little-known insects, reptiles, birds and amphibians through to the spectacular and somewhat iconic group of large mammals that typify the region and which have often been at the centre of community-based conservation initiatives.
The importance of these natural resources, especially for the worldâs poor, is unequivocal. Despite Africaâs rapid urbanization (United Nations Human Settlements Programme 2008; Turok and Parnell 2009), with almost 50 per cent of the population now living in cities (Dietz 2011), the use of water, land, crops, forests (including non-timber forest products), fisheries and wildlife has been and continues to be an integral part of the day-to-day lives of millions of African people, generating substantial food and livelihood benefits (Fabricius et al 2004; German et al 2010; Nelson 2010). Furthermore, natural resources provide a vital supplement to other livelihood activities and are an important safety net in times of environmental stress or economic crisis, thereby reducing vulnerability and risk (BĂ©nĂ© 2003; Jul-Larsen 2003; Shackleton and Shackleton 2004).
Natural resources also underpin many African economies, providing the economic basis for the regionâs expanding agriculture, mining, tourism, forestry and fisheries industries. Although less than 25 per cent of southern Africa is considered arable, at least 70 per cent of the population relies on agriculture for their food, income and employment, with crop production contributing 34 per cent of southern Africaâs gross domestic product (GDP) (SADC 2008). Similarly, inland and marine fisheries contribute to the food security of an estimated 200 million Africans and the income of over ten million people who engage in production, processing and trade (New Partnership for Africaâs Development [NEPAD] 2004; BĂ©nĂ© and Heck 2005). Forests, although comprising only 3 per cent of GDP in southern Africa, which is largely from exotic plantations and commercial indigenous timber, also contribute significantly to rural incomes. Over two-thirds of the continentâs inhabitants rely on forest products, either for direct subsistence use or as a form of cash income (Timko et al 2010). Some studies suggest that contributions from forest products is as high as 40 per cent of the total income for the poorest households (Shackleton et al 2011), with the use of natural products for medicinal purposes common amongst some 80 per cent of the African population (Roe 2008; Payyappallimana 2010).
Natural resources, moreover, frequently go way beyond their utilitarian value, remaining deeply embedded in the ways of life and cultural identity of many indigenous and local communities (Jentoft 2003; Bernard and Kumalo 2004; Turner 2004; Sunde et al 2013). Indeed, in some cases, peoplesâ need to access resources and live off the land are intrinsic not only to the welfare of such communities, but also to their cultural survival (Stevens 1997).
This wealth in natural resources is not, however, mirrored by the economic profile of the regionâs inhabitants. Seventy per cent of the population in southern Africa, for example, live below the internationally recognized poverty line of US$2 a day (SADC 2008), while in sub-Saharan Africa some 51 per cent of the population live on less than US$1 a day (Chen and Ravallion 2008). While the past decade has seen a reduction in poverty levels on the subcontinent and significant economic growth in many African countries, this has been accompanied by growing levels of economic inequality. In its 2012 annual report, the prestigious African Progress Panel (2012) notes: âThe deep, persistent and enduring inequalities in evidence across Africa have consequences. They weaken the bonds of trust and solidarity that hold societies together. Over the long run, they will undermine economic growth, productivity and the development of markets.â
Understanding inequality in Africa, including its historical roots, is an integral part of comprehending governance. Colonial interventions in particular had a profound influence on economic justice and environmental sustainability, shaping rights and access to natural resources and in many cases altering or eradicating local systems of governance, including the appropriation of resources from indigenous populations (Beinart and McGregor 2003; Hara et al 2009). Colonialism also imposed new forms of centralized political authority over access to land and natural resources, often undermining local institutions or, in some cases, supporting and relying on customary institutions to promote the interests of the colonial state and the European settlers (Mamdani 1996; Lemos and Agrawal 2006). As Hara et al (2009) remark, this led to a fragmentation of integrated resource systems, in contrast to customary resource governance approaches and norms that coordinated resource use and overlapping claims. Increased centralization also led to situations of dual governance, or legal pluralism, with customary and statutory systems existing side by side, often in conflict, which is a situa...