1 Michael Joseph Gross, Enter the Cyber-Dragon, Vanity Fair (September 2011), http://www.vanityfair.com/culture/features/2011/09/chinese-hacking-201109 (quoting Michael Hayden, former Director of the National Security Agency and the Central Intelligence Agency). My goal in writing this book to call attention to a shift in the balance between order and disorder â between what some might style as good and evil â that began toward the end of the last century and has been accelerating ever since. As I explain in this chapter and in those that follow, the shift â which advantages the forces of disorder â is the product of technological developments that, quite adventitiously, combine to erode the efficacy of the laws and institutions modern nation-states use to control activity that threatens their existence and prosperity.
As we will see, the shift began in the 1990s, when those who were so inclined realized they could use cyberspace to commit certain types of crime and, in so doing, make it difficult or even impossible for law enforcement to apprehend them and thereby end (or suspend) their criminal careers. I began studying cybercrime in 1997, and soon taught my first seminar in cybercrime law. I became immersed in the topic and, before long, was devoting most of my time to speaking about, writing about and consulting on cybercrime and the legal issues it raises. After all these years, I still find it fascinating because, unlike more traditional crime, cybercrime is inclined to resist routine, i.e., to manifest itself in new and different ways. Cybercrime resists routine because it is driven by technology the speed and complexity of which evolve at an accelerating pace and by the illicit ingenuity of clever, and often greedy, perpetrators. As a result, cybercrime has been, and continues to be, an evolving criminal phenomenon.
As we will see in Chapters 2 and 3, it also differs from traditional crime in one particularly notable respect: Crime has always been local. If I am to steal your wallet and/or assault you, we must be physically proximate, i.e., must simultaneously occupy the same physical âspace.â This is not true of cybercrime: 2 Cyberspace gives me the ability to victimize you remotely. I can steal from you, defraud you, attack your computer and/or wreak havoc on your privacy and personal life without being in the same âspaceâ as you. I can invade your bank account and transfer your funds to an account I control from halfway around the world, which, as we will see in Chapter 4, makes it exceedingly difficult for law enforcement to find, apprehend, prosecute and punish me for my theft.
2 See Chapters 2 and 3, infra. Because nation-states rely on the threat of being apprehended and punished to deter people from committing crimes, this aspect of cybercrime has had, continues to have and will continue to have an erosive effect on âlaw-abidingâ statesâ ability to protect their citizens from online crime.3 As we will see in Chapters 2 and 4, this effect is exacerbated by the fact that certain nation-states have emerged as de facto cybercrime havens,4 just as certain places were once havens for seagoing pirates.5 Some predict that it will only be further exacerbated as new cybercrime havens emerge.6
3 I use the phrase âlaw abidingâ to distinguish states that neither host nor tolerate cybercrime from the âhavenâ states that do both. See infra note 4 and accompanying text. 4 See, e.g., Yuriy Onyshkiv, Ukraine Thrives as Cybercrime Haven, Kyiv Post (March 8, 2012), http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/ukraine-thrives-as-cybercrime-haven-123965.html. See also Chapter 4, infra. 5 See, e.g., Lieutenant Commander Matthew M. Frick, Feral Cities â Pirate Havens, 134 Proceedings Magazine 12 (December 2008), http://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2008-12/feral-cities-pirate-havens. 6 See, e.g., Fahmida Y. Rashid, Africa as Safe Havens for Cyber-Criminals, Security Watch (January 12, 2013), http://securitywatch.pcmag.com/none/306957-africa-as-safe-havensfor-cyber-criminals. Unfortunately, the fact that criminals operating from within one state can use cyberspace to victimize the citizens of another state with relative impunity is not the only phenomenon that is eroding nation-statesâ ability to protect their citizens and preserve social order. For some years, cybercrime was the sole threat the commission of which was being vectored through cyberspace, but that began to change in the early part of the twenty-first century. A new online threat emerged which, in retrospect, should not have been all that surprising.
When I refer to âthreatsâ to citizens and social order, I am referring to the three threat categories with which governments have historically dealt, i.e., crime, terrorism and war.7 As I explain in Chapter 2, every human social system has to maintain a baseline of âorderâ if it is to survive and prosper. And, as I also explain in Chapter 2, modern societies divide the activities that can threaten their ability to maintain order into these three categories.8
7 For more on these threat categories, see Chapter 3. 8 Chapter 2 defines each of these terms. It is not surprising that crime was the first threat to manifest itself in cyberspace because it is the most common of the three and because cyberspace not only makes it easy for criminals to avoid apprehension and prosecution, it also gives them access to a pool of affluent, often naĂŻve, victims who would otherwise be beyond their reach.9 And in cyberspace, as elsewhere, crime is primarily about profit and opportunities for profit abound online.
That leaves terrorism and war. For a time, primarily in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, many believed cyberterrorism â the use of cyberspace to carry out terrorist acts â would emerge as a new and serious threat to statesâ ability to protect their citizens and maintain social order. So far, that has not happened: We have, as I note in Chapter 2, only one documented case of what can at least arguably be characterized as cyberterrorism. This may seem odd, given the advantages cyberspace seems to offer terrorists,10 but I believe it is a predictable (and temporary) state of affairs, a product of the ethos to which contemporary terrorists subscribe.
9 For more on these threats, see Chapter 3. 10 For more on this, see Chapters 2 and 3. I believe the present generation of terrorists â many of whom are followers of and/or influenced by Al Qaeda â subscribe to what I call the âtheater of bloodâ approach to terrorism, i.e., they rely on carnage and property destruction to demoralize people in an effort to undermine their faith in their governmentâs ability to protect them and maintain order.11 If I am correct in that assessment, it means that we will eventually see the rise of true cyberterrorism, which will rely on the use of computer technology to undermine our faith in our governmentâs ability to keep us safe and keep the systems on which we rely for our survival operating. We will return to this issue in Chapters 2 and 3.
11 As I explain elsewhere: death, injury and destruction become at once an object lesson and a threat. They are ⌠an object lesson in the governmentâs inability to keep its populace safe, and ⌠a concomitant threat of more death and destruction to come. As one author noted, the violence âis intended to produce effects beyond any immediate physical damage.â
Susan W. Brenner, Cyberthreats: The Emerging Fault Lines of the Nation-State 41â42 (New York: Oxford University Press 2009) (quoting Steven Livingston, The Terrorism Spectacle 3 (Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 1994)). For more on this, see Chapter 2. And that, finally, leaves war. While the term âcyberwarâ is often bandied about by reporters and commentators,12 we apparently have yet to see an event that qualifies as an act of cyberwar. As we will see in Chapters 2 and 3, âwarâ refers to an armed conflict between nation-states, and the law of war âemphasizes death or physical injury to people and destruction of physical property as criteria for the definitions of âuse of forceâ and âarmed attackâ.â13 World War II is an obvious example of warfare because it involved the use of physical, or kinetic, force, e.g., guns and bombs.
12 See, e.g., Amid Cyberwar, U.S. Turns to Private Firms, Japan Times (February 23, 2013), http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/02/23/business/amid-cyberwar-u-s-turnsto-private-firms/#.USfc8-usYSg; Steven P. Bucci, Chinaâs Cyberwar Targets U.S. Biz, Boston Herald (February 22, 2013), http://bostonherald.com/news_opinion/opinion/op_ed/2013/02/china_s_cyberwar_targets_us_biz. 13 Committee on Offensive Information Warfare, National Research Council, Technology, Policy, Law, and Ethics Regarding U.S. Acquisition and Use of Cyberattack Capabilities 253 (Washington, DC: National Academies Press 2009). As I write this in 2013, cyber-attacks do not qualify as âarmed attacksâ under the law of war because they do not involve the use of kinetic force.14 This means that if Nation-State A has its military hackers use cyberspace to attack Nation-State B, the attack cannot constitute âwarâ and must therefore either constitute another type of threat (crime or terrorism) or not constitute any legally cognizable threat.15
14 See, e.g., Cassandra M. Kirsch, Science Fiction No More: Cyber Warfare and the United States, 40 Denver Journal of International Law and Policy 620, 622â626 (2012). See also Committee on Offensive Information Warfare, National Research Council, Technology, Policy, Law, and Ethics Regarding U.S. Acquisition and Use of Cyber-attack Capabilities, supra note 13. For more on this, see Chapters 2â4. 15 See infra Chapters 2â4. Such an attack â or, more properly, such a series of attacks â came to light in 2013, when a security firm revealed that Chinese âcyberwarriorsâ â Peopleâs Liberation Army Unit 61398 â had for years been hacking into the networks of American companies and stealing data containing âtechnology blueprints, manufacturing processes, clinical trial results, pricing documents, negotiation strategies...