The Personal Valuation of Promiscuity: A Method of Investigation
Hubert J.M. Hermans
Els Hermans-Jansen
Dr. Hubert J.M. Hermans is Professor of Personality Psychology at the University of Nijmegen. In the â60s he worked as a test constructor in the field of achievement motivation and fear of failure. Partly as a reaction to his dissatisfaction with work in this field, his interests shifted in the â70s to the basic problem of human valuation. He has devised a self-confrontation method together with the underlying valuation theory as a procedure for self-investigation and organization.
Mailing address: University of Nijmegen, P.O. Box 9104, 6500 HE Nijmegen, The Netherlands.
Ms. Els Hermans-Jansen was originally a youth worker before she started to study pedagogy. Later she qualified herself as a psychotherapist and has a private practice in Berg en Dall in which she applies the self-confrontation method as a procedure for assessment and intervention and as an instrument for the evaluation of the change process.
The authors thank Willem van Gilst for his statistical advice, and Lee Ann Weeks for her detailed editorial comments.
SUMMARY. In (his article a method of self-investigation, devised for the study of personal meaning in the context of oneâs own history, is applied to promiscuous behavior. The method invites clients to investigate their own life in terms of valuations, a valuation being any unit of meaning that has a positive, negative, or ambivalent meaning in the eyes of the client. The valuation may concern any events occurring in his or her past, present, and future (e.g., a dear memory, an insoluble problem, an attractive person, an unreachable goal). The personal meaning of promiscuous behavior can be understood as part of the clientâs organized valuation system. In the case studied here, promiscuity was found to be an effort to fill the void created by the early loss of a father.
We have two reservations about the general use of the term promiscuity. First, there is a strong dependence on the values of a particular society or epoch. Second, as a label promiscuity in fact covers a heterogeneous set of sexual and social behaviors.
The value-laden character of the promiscuity concept can best be demonstrated by pointing to the 1950s, when the dominant cultural sexual norm implied that premarital or extramarital sex was wrong, particularly for women. As Spreadbury (1982) observes, such behaviors often resulted in the label of âpromiscuousâ by oneâs family, friends, and especially oneâs enemies. One knew that having premarital or extramarital sexâregardless of the nature of the relationshipâwould lead to a negative label. In our time, however, having sex with many different partners is evaluated from the perspective of physical danger: The life-threatening, epidemiological consequences of AIDS have made themselves clear. Promiscuity is not so much seen as counter to the idea of marriage but as a threat to life.
The term âpromiscuityâ is commonly associated with âengaging in sexual relations with a considerable above-average number of partnersâ (Goode & Troiden, 1980). In this sense, however, the term covers a heterogeneous set of behaviors and this heterogeneity may even weaken the utility of the term. For example, Fluker (1983) wonders if the average prostitute who certainly regards herself as a professional, should be considered promiscuous. And perhaps Don Juan would have been most outraged if he was accused of anything so vulgar. In Mozartâs version he had 2065 conquests on his list in which he took great pride. In homosexual circles having contact with many partners is quite common. Some male homosexuals have a scorecard of a thousand and the majority have at least 100 partners. And in some peril of life there are developmental reasons for frequently changing social and sexual contacts. Teenagers may change boyfriends and girlfriends quite frequently, although they usually have only one at a time and therefore consider themselves to always be faithful (Fluker, 1983).
In the light of the above considerations we want to emphasize that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to psychologically characterize the general phenomenon of promiscuity. It seems to be more fruitful to ask what is the meaning of promiscuous behavior for a particular person in a particular situation? In other words, when we observe that an individual is engaging in sexual relations with a considerable number of sexual partners, this is not more than a factual observation. To understand the significance of this behavior for the individual, psychological investigation in the context of his or her own personal history is needed.
The purpose of this article is to present an assessment method for the investigation of the personal meaning of promiscuous behavior. The method is one of self-investigation, where the client is invited as a responsible individual to cooperate with a psychotherapist in the assessment of a particular problem in the context of his or her total life situation. This is done in such a way that the client is not only actively engaged in the assessment process but also in the change process. In the present study, we report on the self-confrontation of a middle-aged man involved in many sexual relationships.
The client is a 47-year-old man, who, although married and father of two children, had continual extramarital contacts with other women. The frequency of these contacts was so high and so disrupting to the contact with his wife and children that friends tried to persuade the woman to leave her husband. Before making her decision, the wife proposed therapy. The therapy was for the husband and wife to each, independently, perform a self-investigation and then discuss the results in cooperation with the psychotherapist who assisted them in performing the self-investigations. As the results indicate, there was clearly an experience of unfulfilled love due to the early loss of the father underlying the strongly self-enhancing behavior of the man in this case. His changing contacts with many women was obviously an attempt to fill a void. As will be seen, this diagnosis was formulated by the man, himself, in close cooperation with the psychotherapist. This insight had significant impact on his contact with his wife and led to the decision of husband and wife to stay together.
In the following a description of valuation theoryâthe theory underlying the self-investigation methodâwill be presented; the self-investigation method itself will be described; and the application of the method to an actual case of promiscuity will be discussed.
VALUATION THEORY: ORGANIZING ONEâS SELF
Valuation theory (Hermans, 1987a; 1988; 1989) was, as a self theory, developed for the study of individual experiences, their ordering into a meaning system, and their development over time. The theoryâs view of the person is inspired by earlier philosophical-phenomenological thinking (James, 1890;Merleau-Ponty, 1945) and personality is conceived of as an organized process, as an articulated set of personally ordered historical events. The âprocessâ aspect refers to the historical nature of human experience and implies a spatio-temporal orientation: A person lives in the present, and is therefore oriented from a specific point in time and space to the past and to the future. The âorganizationalâ aspect is supposed to emphasize that the person, through orienting to different aspects of his or her spatio-temporal situation and self-reflection, creates a composite whole in which experiences are differentially weighted.
The theoryâs central concept, valuation, includes anything people find to be of importance when thinking about their life situation. A valuation is any unit of meaning that has a positive (pleasant), negative (unpleasant), or ambivalent (both pleasant and unpleasant) value in the eyes of the individual. It can include a broad range of phenomena: a dear memory, a difficult problem, an admired person, a disturbing dream, an unreachable goal, the anticipated death of a significant other, and so forth. Through the process of self-reflection, valuations are organized into a single system. And depending on the individualâs orientation to the past, the present, and the future, different valuations emerge.
An essential feature of valuation theory is the assumption that each valuation has an affective connotation. More specifically, each valuation implies an affective modality: a specific pattern of affect. When we know which types of affect are implied by a particular valuation, we know something about the valuation itself. Note that affect in this theory is not considered a direct âresultâ of cognitive processing but inherent in cognition. Affect is considered the movement implicit in a valuation and clearly tied to the spatial character of a valuation (e.g., joy as âgoing up,â despondency as âgoing down,â strength as âgetting a grip on things,â and intimacy as âgetting into something or somebodyâ).
In order to capture certain differences in the functioning of the affective component of the valuation system, the latent-manifest distinction was introduced into valuation theory (Hermans, Hermans-Jansen, & Van Gilst, 1985). It is assumed that a small set of basic motives is represented latently in the affective component of a valuation. These basic motives are assumed to be similar across individuals and to be continuously active within each individual moving through time and space. At the manifest level, valuations vary phenomenologically not only between individuals but also within a single individual across time and space.
The model presented thus far allows for the inclusion of different theoretically well-founded motives. In the research concerning valuation theory two basic motives have thus far been developed to characterize the affective component of the valuation system: the striving for self-enhancement, or S-motive (i.e., self-maintenance and self-expansion), and the longing for contact and union with the other, or O-motive (i.e., contact with other people and the surrounding world). This distinction resulted from a review of a number of researchersâ conceptions of the basic duality of human experience: Bakan (1966), who viewed agency and communion as fundamental dynamic principles; Angyal (1965), with his concepts of autonomy (self-determination) and homonomy (self-surrender); and Klages (1948) who considered Bindung (solidification) and Ldsung (dissolution) as basic motives of human character. More recently, McAdams (1985) has identified the distinction between power and intimacy within a narrative context, again suggesting the basicness of the S- and O-motives. This does not, however, mean that other theoretically well-founded motives cannot be incorporated into valuation theory.
To illustrate the use of this model, when a person values something he or she always feels something about it and in these feelings the basic motives are reflected. When a valuation (e.g., âI enjoy watching my daughter play with her toysâ) represents a gratification of the O-motive, then the person experiences a feeling of tenderness or intimacy in connection with the valuation. In a similar way a valuation (e.g., âI passed a difficult testâ) can function as a gratification of the S-motive. Feelings of strength and pride experienced in connection with the valuation are indicators of this motive. The affective component of the valuation system can be seen as the representation on the manifest level of the motivational base on the latent level.
The latent-manifest distinction is particularly useful when it comes to analyzing the narrative structure of the self. When, for example, somebody tells about his past sports achievements and later on shifts the subject to his plan to write a book, this shift represents only a difference on the manifest level. From the perspective of the latent level the same self-enhancement motive may be guiding his two interests. Similarly, somebody can be engaged in different activities (e.g., singing in a group, caring for a friend, enjoying nature) whereas all these orientations stem from the same contact motive. And, of course, a person may shift from the one motive to the other motive in the course of life.
On the basis of the foregoing considerations, we chose the following starting points for the study of promiscuous behavior.
1. Promiscuous behavior has personal meaning; this behavior is attributed a positive, negative, or ambivalent value by the individual as part of his or her self-reflection.
2. The valuation of promiscuous behavior is contextual; that is, together with the other valuations from the same individual, promiscuous behavior is part of an organized valuation system.
3. The valuation of promiscuous behavior is rooted in a latent motivational base. Promiscuous behavior is one of the rich phenomenological variety of valuations that receive their organization and direction from a limited number of basic psychological motives.
STRUCTURE OF THE SELF-CONFRONTATION METHOD
The self-confrontation method, as a procedure for self-investigation, is based on valuation theory. It was designed to study the relation between valuations and types of affect and the way both variables are organized into a structured whole (Hermans, 1987a). The structured whole is reflected by a matrix where the rows represent the valuations and the columns the affects (see Appendix for an example).
The procedure involves three parts: (a) elicitation of a set of valuations; (b) associating each valuation with a standardized set of affect-denoting terms, and (c) discussion of the results with the client.
Elicitation of Valuations
The valuations (i.e., rows in the matrix) are elicited by a series of open-ended questions. The questions ask for important units of meaning from the past, present, and future. They invite people to reflect on their life situation in such a way that they feel free to mention those concerns that are most relevant from the perspective of the present situatio...