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An introduction
David Hassan, Roy McConkey and Sandra Dowling
Overview
There are approximately 650 million people with disabilities worldwide and well over two-thirds of these reside in developing nations (Kidd, 2011). Their lived experiences are complicated by poverty, social exclusion and a lack of political agency (Le Clair, 2011). Despite its considerable potential in helping to address such inequalities, sport can also reaffirm, accentuate and even promote feelings of marginalisation (Lauff, 2011, Qi and Ha, 2012). That said, the successful introduction of the 2006 UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN, 2006) was regarded as a hugely significant step, not least as it included Article 30, which detailed rights in sport, physical activity and recreation pursuits (Rioux, 2011). It also played a powerful role in promoting a reassessment of how concepts of disability were best understood (Le Clair, 2011). Whereas the long-standing view of disability as a social welfare issue, one that invoked a medical response, remained prevalent, the UN Convention now foregrounded a rights-based approach to support greater inclusion for people with disabilities, an agenda in which sport was duty bound to play its part (Qi and Ha, 2012).
Article 30, which specifically addressed āParticipation in Cultural Life, Recreation and Sportā, clearly outlines how people with disabilities are entitled to participate in sport on an equal basis with others and how signatories to the Convention remain compelled to implement appropriate measures in response to this (Rioux, 2011). One of these measures concerns the provision of appropriate training, including adequate coaching arrangements, and a fully inclusive environment for young people with disabilities to participate in sport, for example as part of formal physical education classes. It is appropriate that inclusion be promoted in this way so that children with disabilities can take part in play, recreation, leisure and sport activities ā both inside and outside school systems. All too often such children are marginalised or excluded from mainstream pursuits (Le Clair, 2011).
Thus the growth of a global disability rights movement, accelerated by the UN Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, offers a fruitful context for the much needed inclusion in every country around the world of the people with disabilities in all aspects of life (Lauff, 2011). Emerging in parallel with this rights agenda is a more enlightened and considered view around the positioning of international disability sport more broadly (Le Clair, 2011). The exponential growth, both in impact and acceptance, of the Paralympic Games during its most recent staging in London in September 2012, is evidence of this global evolution. In contrast the 1996 Paralympics in Atlanta remained a second-tier event engulfed by much good will, but little in the way of funding, support or international exposure (Jobling, 2012). By 2012, the Paralympic Games were spoken of in a genuinely coterminous fashion with the IOC-sponsored Summer Olympics, and the logos for each of the Games were used jointly for promotion. Inspired by the successes of athletes representing Team GB it was clear that the watching British public recognised that the successes of ātheirā paralympians were exceptional by any sporting standard with many being lauded as national heroes as a result.
Despite this, the journey from marginalisation to mainstream for disability sport has been neither linear nor expeditious (Qi and Ha, 2012). In a UK context, the Glasgow Deaf and Dumb Football Club was founded as far back as 1871, with the first international match taking place between England and Scotland in 1891. At a European level, Les Jeux Internationaux Silencieux ā simply the international āsilentā games ā were staged for the first time in Paris in 1924 but with only a modest entry list (Le Clair, 2011). It was not until 1948, and the pioneering work of Dr Ludwig Guttman who decided to organise an event featuring 20 athletes at Stoke Mandeville Hospital, in parallel with the London Olympic Games, that the considerable potential of sport to advance the cause of social inclusion for athletes with a disability was fully realised. From this small event over sixty years ago, has grown the modern and global Paralympic Games we recognise today with its focus on sporting excellence for those with a range of disabilities (Jobling, 2012).
Elsewhere organisations such as Special Olympics International have fulfilled an equally vital role for over 45 years in offering a sporting outlet for young people, specifically in this case for those with learning or intellectual disabilities. Its first International Summer Games were held at Soldier Field in Chicago, Illinois in 1968 (Harada, Siperstein, Parker and Lenox, 2011). While there remain opportunities for those with intellectual disabilities to participate in elite sport through organisations such as INAS ā the International Federation for sport for Para-athletes with an intellectual disability ā or indeed the Paralympic movement itself, the primary provider of sport programming for these athletes remains Special Olympics. This organisation is exceptional in the context of other disability-focussed sporting bodies in that it promotes participation for athletes with intellectual disabilities at all levels, regardless of sporting ability. Any individual with intellectual disabilities over eight years old remains eligible to train and compete in Special Olympics and partake in any of 30 summer and winter Olympic-type sports it promotes (Lauff, 2011).
At a conceptual level, the sporting experiences of young people with intellectual disabilities remains similar to that of other societal groups that have suffered marginalisation and discrimination at the hands of what remains a predominantly patriarchal (and able-bodied) sporting system. As such, similar barriers encountered by most women as recently as the 1980s and many ethnic minorities to this day, continue as on-going realities for many young people with learning and intellectual disabilities (Kidd, 2011). This is why organisations such as Special Olympics perform a vital function when providing outlets for the enjoyment of physical activity, social interaction and inclusion, as well as a strong sense of interdependency between athletes, sporting partners and expanded family circle (Harada, Siperstein, Parker and Lenox, 2011). It is also why those people who currently volunteer (and those who would wish to do so) in coaching young people with a variety of developmental disabilities remain vital to Special Olympics and other similar bodies who offer sporting opportunities in a variety of international settings.
Photo 1.1 Medallists at the World Summer Special Olympic Games in Athens in 2011
Developmental disabilities
The term ādevelopmental disabilitiesā covers a family of disabling conditions. These are often present from birth or occur soon after and as the name suggests they affect all aspects of a childās development and continue to do so into adulthood.
There are many different types of developmental disabilities but the most common is intellectual disability. It has been estimated that around one in 100 people internationally have an intellectual disability (Maulik et al, 2011). Proportionately more of these people live in low- and middle-income countries; mainly because diseases and living conditions that result in developmental disabilities are more common there.
However as the Figure 1.1 shows there are other developmental disabilities. Note that some of these can co-occur with intellectual disability although some people with these conditions are not intellectually disabled. Three examples are given.
ā¢ Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) is a developmental disability that is being increasingly recognised, especially in more affluent countries. People with ASD have particular difficulties in social communication.
ā¢ Down syndrome is a genetic condition that often results in an intellectual disability but with appropriate support some people with Down syndrome can function just as well as their non-disabled peers.
ā¢ Cerebral palsy (CP) literally means paralysis of the brain. When the parts of the brain that control movements of the arms, legs or facial muscles are damaged then people find it difficult to walk and are unable to talk clearly.
There are other commonplace developmental disabilities in addition to the above. For example, hearing impairments, visual impairments and other forms of physical disabilities. These developmental disabilities can co-occur so people with ASD might also have a hearing impairment as might people with intellectual disabilities. Indeed the term multiple disabilities is sometimes used to describe their condition.
Intellectual disability
Intellectual disability is a state of arrested or incomplete development of mind, which means that the person can have difficulties understanding, learning, and remembering new things, and in applying that learning to new situations. Also known as intellectual disabilities, learning disabilities, learning difficulties, and formerly as mental retardation or mental handicap.
(WHO World Report on Disability, 2010)
Figure 1.1 Examples of developmental disabilities
Intellectual disability is a different type of disability. People with this disability may not look disabled and in many instances no brain or body abnormalities can be detected.
Also there is no quick and foolproof way of testing for an intellectual disability, in contrast with testing for deafness or sight loss, for example. Experienced professionals can, and do, disagree among themselves as to whether or not a person has an intellectual disability. This can obviously be very frustrating for parents and can be detrimental to the childās educational provision.
Finally, there are no surgical procedures or technical aids that dramatically reduce the disability and in most instances the birth of a child with an intellectual disability is completely random.
What then is an intellectual disability? The best way to understand it is to think of it as a general concept rather than as a specific label. For example, the term āmusicianā is a general concept, with labels such as pianist or guitarist being more descriptive. Even then, the specific labels can be further sub-divided, such as jazz pianists or classical pianists, depending on specific abilities.
We can define the general characteristics which qualify people to be called āintellectually disabledā, just as we can list the features of a āmusicianā. But remember these generalities may be of limited use if your aim is to train people to be pianists rather than percussionists!
Yet this has been precisely the type of problem encountered by people with an intellectual disability. To continue the metaphor, they have been treated as being in the orchestra with little allowance made for individual instrumentalists!
With that warning in mind, we can describe some common features of this disability.
ā¢ Intellectual disability is generally a condition that is present from birth (or shortly afterwards) and the effects of it are life-long.
ā¢ The person is slow to learn and to solve problems; hence the term ālearning disabilityā that is used in the UK. This can apply to physical and social development as well as to intellectual development. They score markedly below average on tests of intelligence.
ā¢ A child or adult with an intellectual learning disability has difficulty acquiring the skills required to function socially, such as safeguarding oneself from common dangers, caring for personal needs or travelling independently.
ā¢ The person needs extra help and support in comparison to their age peers. This applies in the family, at school, in leisure pursuits or to gain employment.
ā¢ People can vary in the severity of their disability. The terms mild, moderate, severe and profound are often used to describe this. Although these categories were based originally on scores from intelligence tests, they now reflect the amount of help and assistance the person requires.
The main lesson is simple. An intellectual disability is defined by the personās behaviour not by bodily impairments. That is why these people can look perfectly ānormalā and yet be severely disabled.
Likewise people with a bodily impairment...
