1 Mobility and Its Disenchantments in Marie Clementsâ The Unnatural and Accidental Women and Burning Vision
In the fall of 2009, a flurry of petitions emerged in protest against alleged changes to the March for Murdered and Missing Women in Vancouverâs Downtown Eastside.1 A memorial for the distressing number of women, many of them Indigenous, who have been murdered or gone missing in Canada, the historic march coincided with Day Three of Vancouverâs 2010 Winter Olympics. Committed to ensuring the flow of Olympic traffic in the downtown core, the City of Vancouver, VANOC, and the Vancouver 2010 Integrated Security Unit reportedly discussed cancelling or relocating the march. As visual reminders of the destitution, poverty, and violence that Indigenous people continue to experience in Canada, the memorial march and its venue of the Downtown Eastside2 presented a damning image of the country as it played host to the Olympics. The contest of values that emerged in public discussions of the march prompts deeper reflection of mobility, territory, and the racialization of space writ large in Indigenous- settler history. An assertion of visibility for its participants as well as for those it memorializes, the march is also a defiant exercise of mobilityâa movement through important arteries of the city that interrupts traffic and, in so doing, reclaims physical and symbolic city space. The threat of its cancellation represented a trumping of one groupâs mobility for anotherâs, the prioritization of Olympic traffic over the circulation of the cityâs everyday users and its most disenfranchised inhabitants.
From the history of the Road Allowance People to the recently memorialized âHighway of Tears,â3 roads figure prominently in Indigenous peopleâs collective experiences of dispossession. Some of these traumatic histories are remembered in spatial metaphors like âThe Trail of Tearsâ and âThe Long Walk.â4 Evoking images of routes and uprooting, this language describes the forced movements of Indigenous communities while adumbrating the containment, sometimes imprisonment, that followed. Mobility, when read in light of these histories, is burdened with unsettling reminders of state-sanctioned violence, expropriated territory, and the exercise of power over bodies. Recent writing by some Indigenous authors explores this tension between mobility and confinement,5 joining emergent theoretical discussions of space, biopolitics, and states of exception. Contributing to this literary archive, Marie Clementsâ The Unnatural and Accidental Women (1999) and Burning Vision (2003) examine mobility through different representational and politicohistorical frames. Clementsâ two works further key critical insights on gendered, racial, and cultural experiences of mobilityâexperiences beset by exile, displacement, and ecological and human violence in both plays. The analytics I employ in this chapter thus converge with those that have animated recent discussions in political geography, border studies, and spatial theory. My aim here is not to debate the possibilities and limitations of mobility in the context of globalization. Rather, I wish to trace how, in both plays, violence is constitutive of mobility. The Unnatural and Accidental Women and Burning Vision posit mobility and exitability6 as effects of modern powerâa power over the movement of people and things that leaves in its trail irremediably altered lives and landscapes.
Burning Vision plots its events along the âroad to the atomâ (Clements 14), a route extending from the Northwest Territories to Ontario, New York, New Mexico, and other centres of the Manhattan Project before its terminus of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. While the playâs events end around the 1940s, the network of political and industrial alliances, resource extraction, and transport that produced the atomic bombs augurs an era of transnational capitalism that would follow soon after. Burning Vision not only explores the role that technologies of mobility have played in human and ecological destruction, but it also reflects on the new geographies created by technologies of mobility. Contrasting with the geographically expansive dramaturgy of Burning Vision, The Unnatural and Accidental Womenâs primary setting is Vancouver. This play intimately re-creates lives of women rent by gendered, sexual, and racial violence. At first blush, the two plays are vastly different: Burning Visionâs focus is global, while The Unnatural and Accidental Womenâs setting is local;7 Burning Vision reflects on shared complicities and shared traumas stemming from the uraniumâs extraction; The Unnatural and Accidental Women examines the deaths of women, most of them Indigenous, by a Vancouver serial killer; Burning Vision follows the movement of thingsâpitchblende, uranium, bombsâthrough physical, conceptual, and heterotopic space; The Unnatural and Accidental Women focuses on the movement of peopleâdispossessed Indigenous women, primarilyâin urban space. Both plays, however, explore the relationship between violence and mobility while also depicting communities and environments rendered vulnerable by the logic of capitalism. Linking its female charactersâ uprooting to the logging industryâs violent alteration of landscapes, The Unnatural and Accidental Women connects these experiences of colonial violence to the broader spatial history of Vancouver. Reading these two works together encourages deeper recognition of what might be called relational spaceâa reminder of how the local is unassailably affected by global processes. Vancouverâs Downtown Eastside, which figures as the affective centre of The Unnatural and Accidental Women, does not exist in a vacuum: its frontier history and its current material-social status are the outcome of neoliberal policies, capital accumulation, and global economics beyond its borders.
The Unnatural and Accidental Women revisits the murder of ten women by Gilbert Paul Jordan between 1965 and 1988. Eight of the ten of Jordanâs victims were Indigenous women who lived or worked in Vancouverâs Downtown Eastside where Jordan operated a barbershop. Luring his victims with alcohol, Jordan reportedly coaxed the women to drink excessive amounts. Several women died in Jordanâs company with suspiciously high blood alcohol levels, but coronersâ reports ruled their deaths as âunnatural and accidentalâ because of prevailing perceptions of the women as alcoholics and prostitutes. At least seven women died before Jordan was convicted of manslaughter in the 1987 death of Vanessa Lee Buckner, a white woman. Jordan served six years of his nine-year sentence; he was never convicted of murder.
The Unnatural and Accidental Women unfolds around its central character Rebecca, a thirty-year-old MĂ©tis woman searching for her mother who was one of Jordanâs victims. Ten characters in the play are ghosts of women loosely based on the real-life murder victims. The play takes the form of a revenge drama with surrealist influences,8 but it is also a memorial to the real women whose deaths were treated indifferently because of the spaces they inhabited. Michelle LaFlamme places The Unnatural and Accidental Women alongside the work of artists Yvette Nolan, Rebecca Belmore, and Archer Pechawis who âdocument, historicize, and elegize the deaths of Aboriginal women in Canada.â While Clementsâ play does not claim to be a non-fictional account of the murders, it commemorates the victims and affirms the value of their social existence. The playâs premiere performance at Vancouverâs Firehall Arts Centre, mere blocks from where the women were murdered, further anchors this work in the realâ localizing and repatriating this artistic production to the community it seeks to represent.
When Clements wrote and produced The Unnatural and Accidental Women in the late 1990s, over sixty women in the Downtown Eastside had been reported missing. Another serial killer, Robert William Pickton, would soon dominate news headlines as horrifying details of his involvement in many of the womenâs deaths came to light.9 While the police and media had been slow to respond to the disappearances of women (disappearances that had been reported over the previous two decades), the Pickton case brought national attention to the racial and sexual violence that was part of daily life for many women living in Vancouverâs Downtown Eastside. The developments that occurred during and after the writing of The Unnatural and Accidental Women form an extra-textual register to the play, linking the displacements and vulnerabilities examined in Clementsâ work to more recent and immediate instances of such violence. The Pickton murders were a reminder of what Achille Mbembe calls a ânecropoliticalâ social order, where certain bodies, which have already died a âsocial deathâ (21), are seen as disposable.10 While the publicâs latent reaction to the womenâs deaths was characterized by shock and outrage, the murders were but a paroxysm of what was in fact a normalized and widely-known violence.
A few decades later, the âMurdered and Missing Womenâ cases in Canada have attracted widespread media and scholarly attention. While the mediaâs borderline-pornographic fascination with these crimes has been duly criticized, and while the ethics of scholarly as well as artistic engagements with this violence have also been questioned, one of the more valuable recognitions that has emerged from this broader public discussion is the critical role of space in determining the social value of the victimsâ lives. In her analysis of Stan Douglasâ panoramic photograph, Every Building on 100 West Hastings, Denise Blake Oleksijczuk draws a parallel between dominant perceptions of the women and the abandonment, objectification, and repudiation captured in Douglasâ image of this row of buildings in the Downtown Eastside. The women, that is, were conflated with the spaces they inhabited. Oleksijczukâs critical analysis is among a growing body of work exploring the interplay of race, space, and gender in the violence that the âMissing and Murdered Womenâ have come to evoke.11 These other critical engagements inform my discussion here, but my analysis is primarily interested in mobilityâs relation to this violence. It is worth mentioning that many of the missing women in Vancouver were described as transient in ways that relieved authorities of responsibility to investigate their disappearances. Inner-city residents, Nicholas Blomley similarly observes, are often characterized as unfixed in ways that exclude them from the rights and entitlements of citizen-subjects. The vulnerabilities of forced or even elected mobility, in such examples, exist outside the logic of property ownership, settlement, and late capitalismâs ontologies of belonging, Blomley argues. The Unnatural and Accidental Women and Burning Vision register mobilityâs injurious effects in the counterhistories they tellâstories of characters who are compelled to âkeep on walkingâ in limited geographies of shrunken space and attenuated possibilities, or communities who watch the land beneath them turn to toxic or deforested environments in what Rob Nixon calls the âslow violenceâ (2) of fast capitalism.
The Unnatural and Accidental Women explores mobilityâs racial and gendered limits by following the movements of Indigenous female characters who cannot wear their bodies lightly in urban space. For Rebeccaâs mother and the other women whom Jordan murdered, Vancouverâs charged potential for violence reveals the colonial frontiers still operating within this settler city. Its inner-city streets offer impunity for racial and sexual violence, a place of exception where, as Sherene Razack puts it, âviolent acts can be committed without meaningful consequenceâ (142). In this morally charged geography, the Downtown Eastside is construed as a âzone of degeneracyâ sealed off from the rest of the city (Jiwani and Young 899). This perceived localization of crime, poverty, and delinquency to the Downtown Eastside corresponds with David Theo Goldbergâs discussion of urban segregation, specifically the spatialization of racial and class categories. The physical visibility of the Downtown Eastside serves what Goldberg calls âpanoptical disciplineâ (198), a joint operation of spectacle and segregation that âmagnifies the image of racialized criminalityâ and âextend[s] discipline over inhabitants and visitors by monitoring them without having to bother about the intraspatial disciplinary relations between themâ (197). The form of discipline that Goldberg describes here is inherently spatial, limiting the movements of those who live in monitored spaces like the Downtown Eastside. It is not only the effects of these âdegenerateâ spacesâeffects that include drugs, crime, povertyâthat are vigilantly prevented from spilling over into the rest of the social fabric, but the people themselvesâtheir mobility and access to the rest of the city.
Yet city spaces are obviously more fluid than such geographies of segregation might imagine. In The Unnatural and Accidental Women, Rebeccaâs apartment in Kitsilano, an upper middle-class neighbourhood in Vancouver where she later lives as an adult, is described as âreflecting] the symptoms of urban isolation even without being on Hastings Street [in the Downtown Eastside]â (Clements 7). This image of Rebeccaâs apartment suggests affective connections between seemingly disparate spacesâa view of the city defined less by its âmetropolaritiesâ (Soja, Postmetropolis 265) and more by its shared complicities in the violence seemingly contained to the Downtown Eastside. Clements reminds us that the degradations and trauma of Downtown Eastside cannot be sealed off from the rest of the cityâs consciousness. This description of Rebeccaâs apartment might further suggest that, for racialized women like Rebecca, the Downtown Eastside is never far away: Rebecca carries this part of the city with her as a result of her shared history there, but processes of racialization ...