The current image of science is one of men in laboratories conducting experiments, not one of men in offices wielding pens. Philosophers of science in particular paint a picture of science that leaves no real place for the thinker in his armchair. Sociologists often have accepted the philosopherâs view of scientific activity as being that of men in white coats. In attempting to come to grips with Parsons, it is essential to have a view of science that gives a place to somebody who describes himself in the dedication of one of his books (SS) as âan incurable theoristâ.
Analysis of a sociologistâs writings must involve implicitly or explicitly a view of the philosophy of science as one must select, order and criticize. Frequently this is done on the basis of an implicit view of how one should go about analysing a work. This seems dangerous, as the deficiencies of the analysis may lie not in the personâs ability to analyse, but in the way he goes about doing it. Some examples may make this clearer. Should one focus on the personâs values and state the political implications of his position as Foss (1963) does, or do a sociology of sociology as Gouldner (1971) (1) does? What would count as setting out and criticizing a theory? Should one, as Black (1964) and Dahrendorf (1966, ch.5) do, set out the premises from which (they claim) the whole position can be generated? Alternatively should one start from the key facts the person accepts or discovers? This range of possibilities indicates that a choice exists as to how to analyse Parsons and that the approach taken will affect what is treated as important in his work.
If I felt that any major school in the philosophy of science provided a satisfactory framework for analysing sociological ideas, then I would briefly elaborate this schoolâs position and defend it against major criticisms. However the major philosophies of science have accepted a view of science that leaves no real place for the theorist. They have certain fundamental problems in them which come from the use of the analytic-synthetic distinction. An attempt will be made in this chapter to lay the groundwork of an approach to analysing manâs ideas about the world that does not rest on this distinction. While I shall use this as the framework for discussing Parsons, this chapter is not intended as special pleading for a framework of analysis suited to Parsons in particular and sociology in general. Philosophers of science have accepted too positivistic a view of the scientific enterprise. To analyse Parsons or anybody else satisfactorily, it seems necessary to break out of the limits the philosophersâ world view imposes and see how the investigation of the world is a more flexible undertaking.
THE ANALYTIC-SYNTHETIC DISTINCTION
The framework of much of present epistemology, (2) philosophy of science, and modern Anglo-American linguistic philosophy is the analytic-synthetic distinction. It can be traced back to Aristotleâs conception of logic. As a prelude to breaking out of this approach, I shall look at how it leads men to see science and some of the problems this involves. For this purpose Kant provides a convenient starting point. He defines analytic and synthetic statements thus (1966, p.7):
Either the predicate B belongs to the subject A as something contained (though covertly) in the concept A; or B lies outside the sphere of the concept A, though somehow connected with it. In the former case I call the judgment analytical, in the latter synthetical. Analytical judgments (affirmative) are therefore those in which the connection of the predicate with the subject is conceived through identity, while others in which that connection is conceived without identity, may be called synthetical. (3)
Kantâs other important distinction is between âa prioriâ and the âa posterioriâ. (4) For Kant all âa prioriâ propositions were characterized by ânecessityâ and âstrict universalityâ (p.3). If we are to have any secure knowledge, it must be âa prioriâ, Kant argues, and the basic question for Kant was, âHow are synthetic judgments âa prioriâ possible?â (p.13). For the world to be intelligible men must accept certain principles that order their experience. (5) These synthetic âa prioriâ truths make the world comprehensible. What Kant appears to have overlooked (6) is that men do not always find the world intelligible. Often men find that their frameworks fail to order the world in a satisfactory (7) way. The implication of this is that either the principles that men have for ordering their experience may be true or false, or truth and falsity are not applicable to such principles. This will provide one of my starting points.
Since Kantâs death in 1804, several of the assertions he claimed to be synthetic âa prioriâ truths have been contradicted by scientific developments. (8) Believing that there can be no grounds for the truth of such assertions, many philosophers now reject their existence. Schlick (9) is typical of many in saying (1949, p.281):
propositions are either synthetic âa posterioriâ or tautologous; synthetic âa prioriâ propositions seem to it [Schlickâs position] to be a logical impossibility.
Going back to the definition of âsyntheticâ given by Kant it can be seen to be defined as a residual category. Most philosophers have, however, equated synthetic assertions defined residually (all nonanalytic ones) with a positively defined category of âempiricalâ. (10) Having satisfied themselves that there are no grounds for the truth of synthetic âa prioriâ truths, they have concluded that all synthetic assertions are âa posterioriâ and empirical. One assumption in this whole line of reasoning is that no assertion (except for analytic ones) that is not directly related to facts, is capable of playing any part in menâs understanding of the world. Stated another way, this premise is that all assertions that form a legitimate part of menâs knowledge are definitions or propositions that can be in some way assigned a truth value in terms of the facts. (11) If one accepts this (and I shall not), then the equation of synthetic with empirical seems more reasonable. By focusing on types of truths, Kant formulated the question in such a way as to preclude the consideration that there might be synthetic âa prioriâ assertions which it does not make sense to call true or false (in the way these terms are understood by positivists) but which nevertheless have a part to play in our understanding of the world.
The type of position just discussed is positivistic. It is based on the acceptance of a world of facts outside of and independent of the observer in terms of which the legitimacy of all parts of science is to be determined. As this world of facts is the determinant of all scientific knowledge, this approach focuses on the experimenter determining these facts. Most philosophers of science have explicitly accepted this view that science is composed of definitions (analytic) (12) and synthetic propositions which are empirical. A typical instance of this position is Popperâs statement that (1968, p.47)
there can be no statements in science which cannot be tested, and therefore none which cannot in principle be refuted, by falsifying some of the conclusions which can be deduced from them. (13)
This view of science sees scientific laws as empirical generalizations of the type that, in principle, can be contradicted by a counter-instance (deductivism or falsificationism) or induced from observation statements. Popper explains the procedure he sees scientists as using thus (1960, pp.132â3):
From a hypothesis to be tested â for example, a universal law â together with some other statements which for this purpose are not considered as problematic â for example, some initial conditions â we deduce some prognosis. We then confront this prognosis whenever possible with the results of experimental or other observations. Agreement with them is taken as corroboration of the hypothesis, though not as final proof; clear disagreement is considered as refutation or falsification.
Watkins, one of his followers, elaborates this view to get a hierarchy of empirical statements (1957, p.115):
Observation-statements are the primary empirical statements. Instantial hypotheses, are empirical statements if they directly give rise to observational statements⌠A non-instantial hypothesis, or system of hypotheses like Newtonâs three laws which cannot be directly tested, is empirical if it in conjunction with empirical instantial hypotheses, gives rise to further instantial hypotheses.
Let us look at the process of trying to test Newtonâs law of motion by combining it with several empirical statements. Newtonâs first law of motion is: âEvery body continues in a state of uniform motion in a straight line or in a state of rest, unless acted upon by an outside force.â Add to this the following observation statement: âThis body is not in a state of rest.â The conclusion that follows from these premises is that the body is being acted on by an outside force. If the concept of force used in the formulation of Newtonâs first law is a closed (14) concept, then it will be possible to ascertain whether the situation we are examining is a confirmation or a refutation of Newtonâs first law. On the other hand if force is a more open concept, then whether we have a falsification of Newtonâs law is unclear. If âforceâ is an open concept, then when one says âHere is a body that is accelerating, and I am not aware of an outside force acting on itâ a Newtonian can reply, âKeep looking for something that might count as a force in the situation for this may be a clue to a new force that we are unaware of now.â What turns out to be crucial in the quotation just given from Popper is the term âclear disagreementâ. How does one tell âclear disagreementâ from âdisagreementâ?
In order to work within the analytic-synthetic (= empirical) distinction, philosophies of science must see scientific laws as clearly specified generalizations about clearly specified facts. (15) Scientists must be seen as working with closed concepts. This yields a static picture of science where what is included under each category used is specified for the current state of science. Not to do so leads to a breakdown of the analytic-synthetic distinction and a more dynamic view of science.
Historically Newton did not state his laws with a list of what outside forces were and an operationalization for each. This led scientists to look for forces instead of rejecting the law on the basis of some âfalsificationâ. A supposedly exhaustive list of forces would have limited the vision of scientists, hot expanded it. (16) Philosophers who accept the analytic-synthetic (= empirical) distinction, account for this by saying that when a new force is discovered either one has a new empirical generalization or a new definition of force. They contrast two static views â that before the force was discovered and that afterwards. Their problem is that they cannot account for the shift except in an âad hocâ way. In other words they can only state that there was such-and-such a definition of, or empirical generalization about force, and then later there was another definition or empirical generalization. They cannot explain why the new definition is a definition of force or why the new empirical generalization is one about force. No rationale for the shift can be given. A more dynamic view of science that will allow an understanding of these changes in a non âad hocâ way seems desirable.
One can see the dispute about operationalization in this context. (17) Philosophers who accept the analytic-synthetic (= empirical) distinction want to settle this dispute in such a way that the meaning of a term is (or is determined by) its operationalization. They want this in order to work with closed concepts that allow generalizations that are about clearly specified things. For instance, Carnapâs method of establishing the empirical significance of terms shows only their empirical significance in one context (Schlesinger, 1968, p.50). He does not tell us how we know that we are talking about the same type of thing when we talk about the temperature in the middle of the sun, and temperature as measured by a mercury thermometer. Only if we distinguish between the operationalization of a term, and the meaning of the term itself, can we claim we are talking about the same thing in two different contexts. A clear understanding of how one term can have several operationalizations is required.
This would provide a non âad hocâ and dynamic account of how, for example, the concept of force was extended into areas like electro-magnetism. (18)
Having accepted Kantâs definition of the situation, while rejecting his analysis of it, philosophers are in a strait-jacket of closed concepts imposed by the analytic-synthetic (= empirical) distinction. The way out will lie in an analysis that allows some assertions to be open and allows for numerous different operationalizations of scientific concepts.
PROGRAMMATIC ASSERTIONS AND PROGRAMMES
âThe meaning of a word is its use in the languageâ (Wittgenstein, 1967, p.20). (19)
Wittgensteinâs analysis of the word âgameâ in his âPhilosophical Investigationsâ suggests that there is a family of cases covered by the term. While there are certain core applications (20) of the term which, to continue the analogy we might call the ânuclear familyâ, the range of potential application is not specified (which has its analogy in the uncertainty about how far to apply kinship terms). The existing set of uses of a word do not exhaust its possible uses. Wittgenstein, on the basis of this and similar examples, concludes that words do not have the sort of clear cut boundaries or consistent uses that would make a definition possible in the way that positivists want. All that is possible, Wittgenstein argues, is to describe the uses to which a word is put.
What then is the use of a definition in science? I suggest that its core use is to isolate what are the key features of the core use of the word being defined. Definitions give what we understand at present to be the essential features of the core usage. They are theories about use. With a new understanding of the use of a word, a new definition of the word will come about. This is a dynamic view of words which allows us to see the extension of the meaning of words in a way which is not âad hocâ. It does not involve simply contrasting the meaning of words at different times. Instead of the change in meaning being arbitrary, possible changes are built into the word. Reasons can be given for extending a word to cover new phenomena.
There are two aspects of the process of deciding whether a case comes under the word in question â isolating what are the key features of the core applications, and isolating what are the key features of the case in question. What counts is a similarity between the core usages and the case in question, but what exactly will count as a similarity is not given in advance but is a matter of thought, consideration, and analysis. As the criteria of what is to count as âthe sameâ are not given in advance, concepts are open and not closed.
A consideration of the term âpolitical partyâ may help to illustrate this approach. (21) In the late nineteenth century the core applications of the term âpolitical partyâ were to groups like the Liberals and Conservatives. Their key features were seen to be that they were one of two or more groups competing to hold power in a state. When Lenin came to power the concept was extended to include a group that had once been a group competing with other groups to hold power, despite the fact that competing groups no longer exist (or no longer exist within the state). With the rise of one party states in the third world the term came to be seen in terms of political mobilization systems. The key feature of the core case is no longer seen as being one of several competing groups for power, but as a political mobilization system. The core usage remains but is seen in a different light. To apply the term âpolitical partyâ to both the groups in late nineteenth century Europe and the third world now has involved a reinterpretation of both. The first is no longer seen as one of several groups competing for power but as a mobilizer of different interest groups, while the latter is not identified simply as a dictatorship and its hierarchy, but seen as a channel that feeds demands into and aggregates them for the political system.
Language is a flexible tool for coming to grips with the world. If political scientists had approached the concept of political party as the holders of the analytic-synthetic (= empirical) distinction would wish, they they would ha...