Domestic Violence in Diverse Contexts

A Re-examination of Gender

Sarah Wendt, Lana Zannettino

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2014
• Print ISBN: 9780415530101
• eBook ISBN: 9781317616511
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Health Care Delivery
• Index: Social Sciences

Overwhelmingly, it is women who are the victims of domestic violence and this book puts women's experiences of domestic violence at its centre, whilst acknowledging their many diverse and complex identities.

Concentrating on the various forms of domestic abuse and its occurrence and manifestations within different contexts, it argues that gender is centrally implicated in the unique factors that shape violence across all these areas. Individual chapters outline the experiences of:

• Mothers
• Older women
• Women with religious affiliations
• Refugee women
• Rural women
• Aboriginal women
• Women in same-sex relationships
• Women with intellectual disabilities.

Exploring how domestic violence across varying contexts impacts on different women's experiences and understandings of abuse, this innovative work draws on post-structural feminist theory and how these ideas view, and potentially allow, gendered explanations of domestic violence. Domestic Violence in Diverse Contexts is suitable for academics and researchers interested in issues around violence and gender.

1 Introduction

Introduction

We identified the need for this book from a number of factors we have observed in well over a decade of research in the area of domestic and family violence. First, we have been around long enough to have seen the evolution of feminist theory and knowledge in academia, and its impact on theorising and knowledge development in the area of domestic violence. In a broad brush stroke, this evolution can be characterised as a shift from a focus on male structural power or patriarchy as the aetiology of domestic violence, to a focus on social constructions and identities, which, if they do not outright reject the existence of patriarchy as a stable reality or truth, see it as incapable of accommodating those aspects of identity such as class, race, ethnicity, sexuality and geographical location that disrupt and reshape the development and meaning of violence and abuse in women’s lives. In the last few years, however, we have witnessed a critique of this shift in feminist theorising, which has garnered a renewed interest in patriarchy and gender oppression in theorising about domestic violence. In this way, there has been a circuitous nature to the evolution of feminist theorising, not only in domestic violence but in theorising women’s lives more generally. This circuitous evolution in feminist theorising has prompted us to re-examine the centrality of gender in domestic violence, both as a concept and as an element of lived experience.

Second, our empirical research with women has compelled us to recognise the diversity of women’s lives and the ways that this diversity can variously impact on women’s experiences of violence and abuse. This recognition made us think again about the centrality of gender in women’s lives – how significant, for example, is gender in shaping the lives of refugee women affected by domestic violence, many of whom have fled persecution and spent years in camps? And, should we impose gender as a central category of analysis in researching the lives of these women? The same could be asked of Aboriginal women, mothers, religious women, women with intellectual disabilities, lesbians, and so on.

This book, therefore, stems from a deep questioning of ourselves as researchers and as feminist theorists in the field of domestic violence against a backdrop of evolving and often contested feminist theorising in the academe. What we are certain of, however, is our commitment to feminism, both as a movement and as a theoretical construct, and a firm belief in its capacity to improve the lives of women. Such a capacity has been well evidenced over the last fifty years, beginning with the success of second-wave feminism in putting the ‘private’ and hidden problem of domestic violence and other forms of violence against women and girls on political, legal and social agendas. The recognition that domestic violence is a significant social problem that is both a criminal offence and violation of human rights in some countries is the outcome of substantial political activity by feminists from the 1960s onwards. In terms of feminism in academia, we hold the view that a key strength of feminist theorising is its contested nature and history – without contestation there is no possibility for critique and development of new ideas. In this book, we view ourselves as participants in and contributors to this contested terrain, with an aspiration to build on existing knowledge with new vigour and insight. In short, in this book we seek to advance feminist analyses of domestic violence in order to shed new light on the role and operation of gender in the lives of diverse communities of women. In so doing, we hope to identify and mobilise those social transformations that are necessary to put an end to domestic violence for all women.

What is domestic violence?

This book focuses on women’s experiences of domestic violence. The two questions that need answering at the beginning of this book are what do we mean by domestic violence, and why do we focus on women? The World Health Organization (WHO) states that violence against women is the most pervasive yet under-recognised human rights violation in the world (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005). The United Nations defines violence against women as any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty (United Nations, 1993). Domestic violence is an act of gender-based violence. Domestic violence reflects what Johnson (2011, p. 290) names as intimate terrorism or a pattern of violent coercive control. Domestic violence, as we use the term in this book, involves the combination of physical and/or sexual violence with a variety of control tactics such as economic, emotional, social (constant monitoring) and spiritual abuse, the use of children and pets, and threats and intimidation. To demonstrate this definition in lived experience we draw on an interview with a woman aged 49 who left her partner after thirty years of marriage. She had two children and was interviewed twenty months after leaving the relationship:

I started with my partner when I was about 17 years old. I was about 18 when I was studying a course. I was having lots of fun and actually making friends for the first time. He got jealous and kept on threatening and getting aggressive and threatening to kill himself if I didn’t stay with him and disconnected me from my friends. This happened throughout our relationship years later … making sure I never had connections with friends. If he got mad or angry he would throw plates and stuff around the house. With him it was all more verbally aggressive … he didn’t really hit me … but then a few times he put knives to my throat. I would have to make sure the kids were always quiet otherwise he would get upset and starting shouting abuse at us all … This all just sort of progressed along the way I think.

(2013)

Johnson and Ferraro (2000, p. 952) name the distinguishing features of domestic violence as a pattern of violent and non-violent behaviours that indicates a general motive to control, and almost all perpetrators are male. The indication ‘almost all’ is used here to acknowledge that this type of violence has been identified in lesbian relationships and that some women terrorise their male partner but, as Johnson (2011) has argued and distinguished over time, the primary perpetrators in heterosexual couples are men, and gender plays an important role.

Domestic violence as defined and outlined above has been the most visible in feminist theory, which has argued that partner violence is primarily a problem of men using violence to maintain control over ‘their women’, a control to which they feel they are entitled and that is supported by a patriarchal culture (Johnson & Ferraro, 2000, pp. 948–9). The purpose of this book is to examine and contribute to advancing this feminist analysis of domestic violence. It is important to make the point here, however, that feminist analyses are not monolithic or homogenous – there are a range of feminist theories and positions, some of which have been more pervasive than others in explicating the precursors to, and dynamics and effects of, domestic violence in women’s lives. In recognition of the heterogeneous nature of feminist theorising more broadly and in relation to domestic violence in particular, in this book we will visit and re-visit a range of feminist positions in order to interrogate their currency and applicability in contemporary contexts of domestic violence.

Why focus on women?

Gender affects every aspect of our lives, and violence is highly gendered. Walby (2011, p. 41) points out gender-based violence against women is violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman, or violence that affects women disproportionately. The research on domestic violence spans decades and consistently shows that women experience abuse from known men in their lives, particularly their intimate partners. The risk to women from their current partners has been found to be three times greater than for men, and women are more likely to endure a wide range of violent behaviours, be injured and have a weapon used against them by their partners or ex-partners. Women are more likely to experience multiple incidents and the impacts tend to be worse (Mooney, 2000). These experiences of domestic violence explain women’s higher levels of fear relative to men. It is through fear that men are able to control women’s behaviour, movements and freedom (Yodanis, 2004). We write this book using women’s experiences of domestic violence and we concentrate on the various forms of abuse, its occurrence and manifestations within and across different community groups.

It is well recognised that domestic violence is often ‘hidden’ because of the nature and impact of such abuse, and so levels of domestic violence are thought to be underestimated. Despite this, population-based surveys have been conducted around the world to ascertain the prevalence of domestic violence. The WHO Multi-Country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Abramsky et al., 2011) documented the widespread nature of intimate partner violence by indicating lifetime prevalence of physical and/or sexual partner violence among ever-partnered women in the fifteen sites in ten countries (Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Samoa, Serbia and Montenegro, Thailand and the United Republic of Tanzania) surveyed. They found lifetime prevalence of physical partner violence ranged from 13 per cent (Japan city) to 61 per cent (Peru province), with most sites falling between 23 per cent and 49 per cent. The range of lifetime prevalence of sexual partner violence ranged from 6 per cent (city sites in Japan and Serbia and Montenegro) to 59 per cent (Ethiopia province), with most sites falling between 10 per cent and 50 per cent. The proportion of women reporting either sexual or physical partner violence, or both, ranged from 15 per cent (Japan city) to 71 per cent (Ethiopia province), with most sites falling between 29 per cent and 62 per cent. Japan city consistently reported the lowest prevalence of all forms of violence, whereas the provinces of Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Peru and the United Republic of Tanzania reported the highest figures. Garcia-Moreno et al. (2006) point out that these results add to the existing body of research, which is mainly from industrialised countries, and confirms that violence by an intimate partner is a common experience worldwide. Furthermore, in all settings except one, women were more at risk of violence by an intimate partner than from any other perpetrator. It has been recognised that domestic violence is a significant problem that women share around the world.

Similarly, Alhabib, Nur and Jones (2010) conducted a systematic review to summarise the worldwide evidence on the prevalence of domestic violence against women. They found the highest levels of physical violence were seen in Japanese immigrants to North America (about 47 per cent), who also had high levels of emotional violence (about 78 per cent) along with respondents studied in South America, Europe and Asia (37–50 per cent). The mean lifetime prevalence of physical and sexual violence was found to be highest (30–50 per cent) in studies conducted in psychiatric and obstetrics/gynaecology clinics, and for emotional violence the highest rates were found in accident and emergency and psychiatric departments (65–87 per cent). Again, this systematic review is recognition that domestic violence has significant impacts on women across the world.

Some countries have conducted their own studies of the prevalence of domestic violence, which have again showed that domestic violence is a significant issue for women. In the United States, women were significantly more likely than men to report being victimised by an intimate partner, whether the time period covered was the individual’s lifetime or the previous twelve months, and whether the type of victimisation considered was rape, physical assault or stalking (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). Tjaden and Thoennes (2000) indicate that 7.7 per cent of surveyed women and 0.3 per cent of surveyed men were raped by a current or former intimate partner at some time in their life, and the most frequently reported intimate partner violence by far was physical assault. 22.1 per cent of surveyed women and 7.4 per cent of surveyed men said they were physically assaulted by an intimate partner at some time in their lifetime (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). In Australia, the Personal Safety Survey conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2006) found that women were more likely than men to be victims of physical, sexual and other forms of violence by a partner, and men make up a significant proportion of reported abusers. For example, it was found that 10.1 per cent (n = 780,500) of all women and 4.4 per cent (n = 325,700) of all men reported physical assault since the age of fifteen. It was estimated that 1,293,100 women had experienced sexual assault since the age of fifteen, of whom 23.2 per cent (n = 299 700) reported being assaulted by a current or ex-partner in the most recent incident. By comparison, 362,400 men had experienced sexual assault, of whom none reported being assaulted by a current partner and 5.7 per cent (n = 20,700) reported being assaulted by a previous partner in the most recent incident. It was also found that women were more likely than men to report repeated violence, especially where the violence was perpetrated by a current partner.

We are focusing on women in this book because the prevalence studies show that domestic violence is a significant social and health problem for women and is found all over the world and in all cultures (Akyüz et al., 2012). It violates a woman’s physical body, sense of self and trust, regardless of age, race, ethnicity or country. It is a major problem and a significant cause of death and incapacity among women worldwide (Alhabib, Nur & Jones, 2010). Research has predominantly shown that domestic violence can lead to a wide range of short- and long-term physical, mental and sexual health problems for women (Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002 and Jewkes, Sen & Garcia-Moreno, 2002, both cited in WHO/LSHTM, 2010). For example, Akyüz et al. (2012) reviewed the research literature on the effects of violence on women’s reproductive health and reported that violence against women may cause physical problems such as cuts, fractures, internal organ injuries and permanent defects. They also reported that women exposed to violence are more likely to take part in self-harming behaviours such as alcohol and drug abuse or unprotected sex, and experience emotional imbalance, depression, fear, anxiety, decreased self-respect, sexual function defects, eating disorders, post-traumatic stress disorders and even suicide. Furthermore, women exposed to domestic violence often experience feelings of panic, have an expectation that something bad will happen and have sleep-related problems including sleeping and resting troubles and waking up with violent nightmares. Akyüz et al. (2012) reported this chronic stress and anxiety can cause some somatic disorders in women exposed to violence, such as hypertension, irritability, gastrointestinal disorders, asthma and headaches. Lastly, Akyüz et al. (2012) also concluded that women who experience domestic violence may have problems like unwanted pregnancies and serious pregnancy-related complications as a result of different kinds of abuse. In addition to having effects on reproductive health care, they also determined that women exposed to violence have less prenatal care. Similarly, Montero et al. (2011) aimed to compare the health of women in Spain with no history of violence with that of women with a history of intimate partner violence, non-intimate partner violence only, and both types of violence. The results showed that women with a history of violence reported significantly poorer physical and mental health than women with no such history. Women who reported intimate partner violence only were three times more likely to suffer from psychological distress and co-occurring somatic symptoms and twice as likely to use medication (e.g. antidepressants or tranquilisers). Compared to women who reported no history of violence, women who reported both intimate partner violence and non-intimate partner violence were almost five times more likely to suffer from psychological distress and co-occurring somatic symptoms, more than six times more likely to use tranquilisers or antidepressants, and more likely to perceive their health as poor.

We focus on women in the book because research across the world has shown convincingly that victims of domestic violence are primarily women, that large numbers of women across the world are affected by it, and that it invades almost all aspects of women’s lives with far-reaching implications for families in terms of emotional and social wellbeing and educational and employment outcomes (Anda et al., 2001 and Dube et al., 2002, cited in WHO/LSHTM, 2010). In acknowledging the large-scale and extensive consequences of the problem, many countries around the world have passed laws to criminalise intimate partner and sexual violence, and many countries are increasingly providing legal, health and social services to abused women (see Walby, 2011, pp. 40–5). Domestic violence curtails women’s ability to act as citizens because it stops women from moving and acting freely in their communities and homes (Lister, 2003).

Gender in the lives of diverse communities of women

Bradley (2013) argues at the beginning of her book titled Gender that academic feminism has hit something of an impasse; that debate has stalled in the stalemate between modernity and post...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• About the authors
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Feminist understandings of domestic violence
• 3 Mothers
• 4 Older women
• 5 Religious women
• 6 Refugee women
• 7 Rural women
• 8 Aboriginal women
• 9 Lesbians
• 10 Women with intellectualdisabilities
• 11 Conclusion
• Index